Stereotypes of specific offenses are widespread and
influence (a) public responses as to how to control
crime, (b) jurors’ interpretation of evidence and ver-
dicts, and (c) eyewitnesses’ accounts and recall of
crimes. Stereotypes consist of visual images and
detailed information about how the crime happens; the
harm done; appropriate sanctions; and offenders’
motives, dangerousness, intent, and social background.
Respondents are agreed on which pictures of men
look like criminals and often describe criminals as
young, unattractive males. Race also is often part of
the public’s stereotypes. When the public thinks of vio-
lent criminals, it often imagines young African
American adults who have quit high school, are asso-
ciated with gangs, and are unemployed or work in
unskilled jobs. The public imagines that African
Americans generally commit violent street crimes and
Caucasians commit white-collar crimes; swindlers are
pictured as intelligent male professionals in their thir-
ties. In accordance with probation data, the public and
probation officers agreed that the typical burglar is sin-
gle, unemployed, and a high school dropout. Respon-
dents also agree on the facial features of rapists,
murderers, battered women who kill their abusers, and
robbers, suggesting that many people may have visual
images associated with their stereotypes about specific
crimes. These distorted stereotypic images of specific
types of offenders may interfere with witnesses’ accu-
rate recall of specific crimes.
Jurors often rely on information in stereotypes to
draw inferences from evidence that is presented at tri-
als and to decide whether defendants should be
acquitted or convicted. The public obtains informa-
tion about crime from the media, personal experi-
ences, and interpersonal conversation. For many
citizens, the news and entertainment media are the
primary source of information about different crimes,
and cultural stereotypes of specific crimes provide
exaggerated information about the severity of the typ-
ical crime. For example, research shows that the pub-
lic’s stereotype of the typical burglar is a man who
carries a weapon, steals valuables worth several thou-
sand dollars, and ransacks the place, which is not
consistent with the characteristics of burglary cases
that come to the attention of the police. Research
demonstrates that individuals holding exaggerated
stereotypes often acquit offenders who commit atyp-
ical burglary, such as forced entry into a building with
the intent to commit another felony but without tak-
ing any property. The public also incorrectly labels
the forced entry into a home to take property when
victims are not present as a robbery rather than a bur-
glary. Based on experimental studies using detailed
cases and open-ended questions, the majority of the
public also holds misconceptions about robbery,
assault, rape, and kidnapping, which may affect ver-
dicts. The public also holds several misconceptions
about battered women and rape victims, which calls
for introducing expert testimony to correct jurors’
misconceptions. For example, jurors were not well-
informed about battered women’s emotions, the bat-
terer’s propensity to make promises to change and
persuade the victim to stay, and the victim’s propen-
sity to self-blame or to predict when she is about to
be attacked. Individuals often hold many myths about
rape. Consistent with media stories, the majority of
the public agreed that the most credible rape involves
a stranger accosting a woman on the street with a
weapon and inflicting injuries, and the least credible
were marital rape or instances in which the victim
willingly left with the acquaintance and the rape
involved no weapon.
Individuals, however, may differ in their personal
stereotypes about crime through acquiring informa-
tion from interpersonal conversations and direct expe-
rience. Research shows that when individuals acquire
information about burglaries and muggings from
interpersonal conversations and direct experience,
their stereotypes about these crimes are more consis-
tent with the caseload handled by the criminal justice
system. This research thus suggests that the public’s
distorted stereotypes about specific crimes may be
corrected through education and media campaigns
that provide the public with a more representative
sample of stories about crimes and criminals. Much
research supports the influential role of public views
about crime on verdict and punishment decisions;
such influence is problematic given the misconcep-
tions that the public holds.
Loretta J. Stalans
See alsoJury Decisions Versus Judges’ Decisions; Public
Opinion About Sentencing and Incarceration; Story Model
for Juror Decision Making
Further Readings
Finkel, N. (1996). Commonsense justice.Boston, MA:
Harvard University Press.
Roberts, J. V., & Stalans, L. J. (2000). Public opinion, crime
and criminal justice. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
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