177any significant alter, are logically characterised by the absence of social
capital. It is important to recall that individuals with no access to social
capital stemming from personal networks are slightly more frequent in
Switzerland (4%) and Lithuania (2%) than in Portugal, where the situa-
tion is, according to the survey, non-existent (see Chaps. 3 and 5 ).
To summarise, the focus on kinship and family makes bonding social
capital more prominent, whereas the focus on non-family ties makes
bridging social capital more available. Another interesting result is that
configurations that focus on children present an additional shift towards
bonding social capital, whereas configurations focused on other family
members, such as siblings or parents, have more bridging social capital.
Therefore, within a family, the presence of older versus younger genera-
tions makes a significant difference for relational resources. As such, per-
sonal networks focused on children, because they compel various adults
to collaborate together in material and emotional exchanges, are condu-
cive to bonding social capital, with its well-known properties of norma-
tive influence and solidarity organisation (see above).
Figures 6.1 and 6.2 consider the associations existing between social
capital and the composition of personal networks across the three coun-
tries. They assess whether or not the link between the focus on family,
especially on children, and bonding social capital is consistent throughout
30%40%50%60%70%80%90%Portugal Switzerland LithuaniaFig. 6.1 Density of emotional support by configuration, by country (%)
Understanding Personal Networks as Social Capital