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on the search for meaning or purpose in life, and spiritual beliefs and practices aid a
person in looking outside of the self for support and/or guidance in crisis situa-
tions...” (Sagaser et al. 2016 , pp. 923–924).
Several genetic counseling studies demonstrate that patients’ spiritual beliefs and
practices affect their interpretation of genetic information and subsequent decisions,
as well as their coping strategies (Morris et al. 2013 ). For example, Greeson et al.
( 2001 ) interviewed Somali immigrants who were Muslim and found their religious
beliefs profoundly influenced their perceptions of the causes and consequences of
disability. The authors concluded that these religious views would significantly
affect the utility of genetic services. Seth et al. ( 2011 ) interviewed Latina women
about their religious beliefs and thoughts while considering the option of amniocen-
tesis and found they drew upon their faith in God’s will for comfort and validation of
their decision-making process. Moreover, “Belief in God’s will was not an outright
deterrent to testing; rather, it consoled them while either accepting or declining the
offer of amniocentesis and provided validation for their ultimate decision” (p. 670).
Hurford et al. ( 2013 ) found that the most impactful personal factors on women’s
decision to continue a pregnancy affected by Down syndrome were religious and
spiritual beliefs and feeling attached to the baby. Sheets et al. ( 2012 ) found that for
Latina mothers of a child with Down syndrome, many at first believed they or their
partner was being punished for a wrong doing. Eventually, however, their perspec-
tives shifted to include, in many cases, a genetics/inheritance explanation alongside
their religious beliefs; and most mothers developed a belief that their child is a “bless-
ing.” The researchers concluded that, “Intertwining religiosity with other beliefs
about Down syndrome seemed to play a role in bonding with their child” (p. 587).
Shaw and Hurst ( 2008 ) studied British Pakistani families referred to a genetics
clinic. Similar to Sheets et al. ( 2012 ), they found almost every parent viewed the
condition as God’s will, despite either believing or denying there was a genetic
cause. Furthermore, “Acceptance of the problem as expressing ‘God’s will’ or a test
from God was compatible with seeking treatments or cures (ilāj), by medical, spiri-
tual, or other traditional means. As Mr Y put it, ‘Allah says there is a cure for every
disease, whether the doctor finds it or whether the spiritualist guide finds it. So, you
must try all routes’...” (p. 378).
Ahmed et al. ( 2008 ) explored Pakistani and European UK women’s reasons for
and against prenatal testing and termination for various conditions. “The main dif-
ference between the two groups was the role of religion in decision-making.
[Only] One European white woman spontaneously mentioned religion, compared to
most of the Pakistani women who spontaneously mentioned that Islam does not
allow termination of pregnancy. This interpretation of Islam’s stance on termination
of pregnancy is a misconception, which...[may be] due to the difficulty people have
in distinguishing between their religious and traditional or cultural beliefs. In fact, a
number of Islamic states have ruled that termination of pregnancy for a foetus with
a serious disorder is permissible, but before soul-breathing (ensoulment) occurs at
120 days of gestation, and even beyond this point if the pregnancy endangers the
mother’s life” (pp. 568–569).
Sheppard et al. ( 2014 ) interviewed African American women either diagnosed
with or at risk for breast cancer. They found that perceptions of women in both
9 Patient Factors: Resistance, Coping, Affect, andfiStyles