NOTES TO PAGES 94-96 207
2008; and Faustina Doufikar-Aerts, Alexander Magnus Arabicus: Survey of
the Alexander Tradition through Seven Centuries: From Pseudo-Callisthenes
to Suri (Paris-Leuven: Peeters, 2010).
- See Samuel Miklos Stern, "The Arabic Translations of the Pseudo-
Asistotelian Treatise De Mundo," Le Museon, vol. 77, 1964, pp. 187-204.
- See Abu Ja'far Tabari, Ta'rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, vol. 1 (Misr: Dai al-
Ma'arif, 1960), pp. 570-75; or Moshe Perlmann, The History of al-TabarI:
The Ancient Kingdoms (Albany: State University of New York Press,
1987), pp. 87-95.
- See Minoo Southgate, Iskandarnamah: A Persian Medieval Alexander-
Romance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978).
- See J. S. Meisami, "The Past in Service of the Present: Two Views of History
in Medieval Persia," Poetics Today 14:2 (1993), pp. 247-275.
- See Ghulam Husayn Baygdili, Chihrah-i Iskandar dar Shahnama-i Firdawsi
o Iskandarnama-i Nizami (Tehran: Mowalif ba Hamkari Intasharat
Afr'enish, 1990), p. 30.
- An overview of the contours of scholarship is ·available in Louise Marlow,
"Advice and Advice Literature," Encyclopaedia of Islam, ed. Gudrun
Kramer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas, Everett Rowson. See speeifically,
J. S. Meisami, Persian Historiography to the End.of the Twelfth Century
(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999); and Dimitri Gutas, Greek
Thought, Arabic Culture: The Graeco-Roman Translation Movement in
Baghdad and Early 'Abbasid Society, 2nd-4th/8th-10th Century (London:
Routledge, 1999). Most recently, the work of Neguin Yavari is promising to
reopen the debate in fruitful ways. See Neguin Yavari, Advice for the
Sultan: Prophetic Voices and Secular Politics in Medieval Islam (London:
Hurst and Company, 2014). The Fiirstenspiegel, or "Mirror for Princes,"
genre in the Indian context suffers from collapsing the distinction between
the adiib and akhliiq (moral virtues), as Muzaffar Alam has noted. See Mu-
zaffar Alam, "AkhlaqI Norms and Mughal Governance," in The Making of
Inda-Persian Culture: Indian and French Studies, ed. Muzaffar Alam et al.
(New Delhi: Manohar Publishers and Distributors, 2000), pp. 67-95.
- Hence in the excellent recent works on Barani by Raziuddin Aquil, Nilanjan
Sarkar, and Vasileios Syros, the question of how Barani's text converses with
earlier texts and how the earlier texts may be visible or available to the audi-
ence is not addressed. See Raziuddin Aquil, "On Islam and Kufr in the Delhi
Sultanate: Towards a Re-interpretation of Ziya' al-Din Barani's Fatawa-i fa-
handari,11 Rethinking a Millennium: Perspectives on Indian History from
the Eighth to Eighteenth Century: Essays for Harbans Mukhia, ed. Rajat
Data (Delhi: Aakar Books, 2008), pp. 168-198; Nilanjan Sarkar, "The ·Voice
of Mal).mud': The Hero in Ziya BaranI's Fatiiwii-i fahiindiirI," Medieval
History /'ournal 9 (2006), pp. 327-356; and Vasileios Syros, "Indian Emergen-
cies: BaranI's Fatiiwii-i f ahiindiirI, the Diseases of the Body Politic, and Ma-
chiavelli's accidenti.^11 Philosophy East and West 62.4 (2012), pp. 545-573.
- Though references to it and excerpts from it circulated widely in many San-
skrit commentaries and critiques across medieval India, there .was no full
text for the Arthasastra until the twentieth century. In 1904 in Mysore, a
