The Economist - USA (2019-11-23)

36 TheEconomistNovember 23rd 2019

1

T

he symbolismof the venue clanged as

clear as a temple bell. For his inaugura-

tion on November 18th Gotabaya Raja-

paksa, the newly elected president of Sri

Lanka, chose a sacred shrine in the ancient

capital of Anuradhapura. The massive stu-

pa houses relics of the Buddha. More point-

edly, in a country often troubled by sectari-

an rifts, it commemorates the defeat in 140

bc of Elara, a Tamil Hindu king, and the re-

unification of Sri Lanka under his Sinha-

lese Buddhist rival, King Dutugemunu.

The ceremony felt like a coronation.

The vast mound of the stupa gleamed

white, as did the shirts of Mr Rajapaksa’s

supporters, setting off the crimson of the

processional carpet and of the robes of

shaven-headed Buddhist monks thronging

to bestow their blessing. Crimson is also a

brand marker for the Rajapaksas, chosen

by the new president’s uncle to represent

the famed red finger millet of their home

region in the south of the island.

Mr Rajapaksa won 52% of the vote de-

spite a crowded field. His victory was ex-

pected. His family has been in politics

since the 1930s. When his brother, Ma-

hinda, this generation’s senior Rajapaksa,

ran the country as president from 2005 to

2015, Gotabaya served as his defence chief.

He earned a nickname—the Termina-

tor—by overseeing a swift and brutal con-

clusion to the 26-year civil war. The con-

flict had pitted a vicious and tenacious

Tamil separatist group against the state,

which is dominated by Sinhala-speaking

Buddhists, who are 70% of the population.

I’ll be back

Sinhalese duly voted for Mr Rajapaksa in

huge numbers. His main rival, Sajith Pre-

madasa, although himself Sinhalese and

the son of a former president assassinated

by Tamil rebels, scored barely 30% in the

southern, largely Sinhalese part of the

country. In the Tamil-dominated north, Mr

Premadasa earned some 80% of votes, de-

spite largely ignoring Tamil concerns.

Ethnic rifts were not nearly as visible

when the older Mr Rajapaksa was ousted in

an electoral upset in 2015 by a coalition of

reform-minded Sinhalese and frightened

minorities. He could not run for president

again this time, because the term limits

that he had abolished had been reinstated

by the outgoing government in an effort to

trim executive powers he was widely seen

to have abused.

Mahinda (Sri Lankans habitually refer

to politicians by first names) is back again

anyway. Rather than linger as a lame duck,

Ranil Wickremesinghe, the prime minister

and long-time political opponent of the Ra-

japaksa clan, resigned. Mahinda will take

over as interim prime minister until parlia-

mentary elections are held, probably in

March.

With the momentum of victory behind

them and a third brother, Basil, having

built the family electoral vehicle, the Sri

Lanka People’s Front, into a formidable

machine, the Rajapaksas are expected to

sail to an easy parliamentary majority.

Should that be as big as two-thirds—and

many analysts think it will be—the Raja-

paksas would not just control the presiden-

cy and parliament, but be able to revise the

constitution, bolstering the power of the

executive however they like.

To many Sinhalese the prospect of such

total dominance by a single clan is appeal-

ing. This is not just because of the Rajapak-

sas’ charms, deep pockets, lingering influ-

ence in state institutions such as the army

and police, and their digitally savvy ground

game. Two other factors have helped whet

voters’ appetites for strongman rule.

One was the perceived dither and in-

competence of the outgoing government.

This was perpetually hamstrung by petty

rivalry between the calculating Mr Wickre-

Sri Lankan politics

Gota hand it to him

COLOMBO

A polarising figure easily wins an election and takes office as president

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