Bloomberg Businessweek - USA (2019-11-25)

(Antfer) #1
◼ POLITICS Bloomberg Businessweek November 25, 2019

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declared,inanattempttodrumupsupportfor
the312-year-oldunion.Yetmanyofhiscoreconstitu-
entscouldn’tcarelessaboutholdingontothenorth.
Ina mid-NovemberpollbySkyNews,41%ofBrexit
voterssaidleavingtheEUwouldbeworthlosing
Scotland,whileonly18%saidtheydisagreed;17%
saidthey’dbehappytoseeScotlandsecedefrom
theU.K.regardlessofthecircumstances.
Scotlandhasalreadyvotedonceonindepen-
dence.The 2014 referendumendedwith55%opt-
ingtostayintheU.K.Johnson—likehispredecessor
asheadoftheConservativeParty,TheresaMay—
hasrefusedtosanctionanotherone,andanother
Toryinsidersaidit simplywouldn’thappenwhile
thepartyrantheU.K.
Butif Brexithasshownanything,it’sthatpre-
dictionscanprovefoolish.NicolaSturgeon,the
SNP’sleader,isadamantthatScotsshouldget
anothervotenowthatthecircumstancesinthe
U.K.havechanged,demandingoneasearlyas
nextyear.Someofhermorerestlesstroopsare
suggestingScotlandpushaheadwithoutofficial
sanctionfromParliament,a moveshe’sbalked
atsofar.Sturgeoncouldyethaveherway:She’s
madeaninformalcoalitionpactwithLabour,the
U.K.’sbiggestoppositionparty.ShouldJohnson’s
Conservativesfallshortofa majorityagain,the
SNP’spriceforsupportinga newgovernmentled
byLabourleaderJeremyCorbynwouldbea fresh
voteonindependence.
Thelatestpollsshowtheoutcomeofanyrefer-
endumwouldbetooclosetocall.TheSNP,which
hasrunScotland’ssemi-autonomousadministra-
tionthepastdozenyears,is confidentit canwin
backmanyofthe 21 districtsit losttorivalparties
in2017.ScottishConservativeleaderRuthDavidson
quitafterJohnsontookthehelm,weakeningthe
partythere.
In the affluent North Sea seaside town
of Stonehaven, 15 miles south of Aberdeen,
Conservative parliamentarian Andrew Bowie is
using pictures of Sturgeon on his campaign leaf-
lets rather than Johnson as he defends his seat.
“She’s leader of the SNP, she keeps threatening to
bring more bitterness, more division to this coun-
try,” Bowie says. “I would love over anything not
to be talking about independence.”
The integrity of the U.K. is also occupying the
Democratic Unionist Party, the largest pro-British
group in Northern Ireland. (When the Catholic-
dominated republic gained independence in
1922, the mainly Protestant north remained in the
U.K.) Before Johnson came back from Brussels
with a revised Brexit deal in October, the DUP’s
10 lawmakers in London had aligned with the

Conservatives to give them a majority. But they
recoiled at Johnson’s agreement, which would
treat Northern Ireland differently from the rest of
the U.K. after Brexit, thus potentially weakening its
ties with the rest of the country. That, ultimately,
could push it toward a “border poll,” a referendum
on whether to reunite the island of Ireland.
The DUP’s biggest adversaries, the national-
ists of Sinn Fein, are campaigning with the slogan
“Time for Unity.” Sinn Fein is looking at the math
needed to unseat lawmakers opposed to a reuni-
fication vote. In fact, across the U.K., some can-
didates are stepping aside to give would-be rivals
with the same position on Brexit a better chance
of victory. In leafy and affluent south Belfast,
where the DUP is vulnerable, Sinn Fein declined
to oppose nationalist candidate Claire Hanna of
the Social Democratic and Labour Party. She’s
observed a palpable shift toward a border poll.
“There is a change. People are beginning to dis-
cuss the possibility in a way that wasn’t happening
before the Brexit referendum,” she says at a cafe.
Around the block, red-white-and-blue British flags
still fly over apartment buildings.
Although Hanna says the time isn’t right yet for
a vote on Irish reunification because of the febrile
political situation over Brexit, the coming general
election could be another catalyst for one if the
nationalists gain enough ground. Should the par-
liamentary math in Westminster eventually lead
to another independence referendum in Scotland,
then calls would grow louder for a reunification
vote in both Northern Ireland and the Republic.
Ultimately, as with Scotland, the prospect of
a border poll on Irish reunification depends on
the British government, and the criteria for when
one can be held aren’t precise. The Good Friday
Agreement states there can be a vote if the U.K.
minister in charge of Northern Ireland sees a likely
majority in favor of a united Ireland. That’s hard
to judge. “Every Northern Irish election is like a
mini-referendum on unity,” says Richard Bullick,
a former adviser to DUP leader Arlene Foster. “But
we also have to be careful about overinterpreting
the results.”
If the DUP were to lose just two lawmakers to
nationalist parties, however, that may be clear
enough. Add that to an emphatic SNP triumph in
Scotland, which the polls suggest is likely, and the
U.K.’s future would look shaky at the very least.
�Rodney Jefferson, Dara Doyle, and Alex Morales,
withKittyDonaldsonandGregRitchie

THE BOTTOM LINE Many unlikely things would have to happen to
precipitate a complete dissolution of the U.K., but the cracks that
have appeared are unlikely to be healed by an election.

2014 2019

50%

40 %

35 %

● YouGov polling on
independence from
the U.K.*

45 %

2016 Brexit
referendum

Northern Ireland
residents in favor
of Irish reunification

42%
Wales residents in favor
of Wales independence

24%


Scotland residents in
favor of independence
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