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Italian Sterling Silver Personalized Heart Bracelet
7" length. Heart tag is^5 ⁄ 8 " wide. Choose a single initial or
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Also available in 8" $
Shown larger for detail.
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Ross-Simons Item# 917021
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In collaboration with the Italian Trade Agency, the Ministry
THE EXTRAORDINARY ofEconomic Development and Confindustria-Federorafi
ITALIAN JEWELRY
THE EXTRAORDINARY
ITALIAN JEWELRY
2A z TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 2019z USA TODAY NEWS
As Americans go to the polls Tues-
day, their decisions in state and local
elections will hint at the national politi-
cal spirit.
Kentucky Gov. Matt Bevin is the best
example of a Trump proxy on the ballot
today.
Besides sharing Trump’s pugilistic
style, Bevin has also tied himself closely
to Trump.
“Matt’s proudly pro-life, against
sanctuary cities for illegal immigrants
and against impeaching our president,”
says one of Bevin’s ads that ends with
him waving from Air Force One with
Trump.
Bevin has traveled multiple times to
the White House, taken a live call from
Trump during a news conference in
Kentucky, and leaned into the impeach-
ment debate the most among the Re-
publicans running for governor this
year.
Trump planned to spend election eve
campaigning for Bevin in Kentucky, a
state the president carried by nearly 30
points.
Democrats say Bevin had no choice
but to run on Trump’s coattails after his
criticism of teachers and the actions
he’s taking on health care and public
employee pensions have made him one
of the nation’s most unpopular gover-
nors.
“I’m still a Donald Trump guy, but I’m
done with Bevin,” Kentuckian Dennis
Boehm says in an ad for the Democrat,
Lt. Gov. Andy Beshears.
The race could show whether there’s
a limit to Trump’s popularity or to his
ability to transfer that popularity, said
Nathan Gonzales, editor and publisher
of the nonpartisan Inside Elections,
which analyzes races.
“I think Kentucky is a test of whether
a connection to the president is enough
to smooth over other faults,” he said.
Mississippi and Louisiana
Louisiana Gov. John Bel Edwards, the
only Democratic governor in the Deep
South, won’t find out his fate this week.
After he failed to win a majority of the
votes in the October “jungle primary,”
Edwards faces Republican business-
man Eddie Rispone in a runoff Nov. 16.
In the primary, Edwards performed
better than he had four years ago in the
areas that included the state’s two larg-
est cities as well as the suburbs of New
Orleans. But he did worse in many rural
areas.
That trend of rural America and small
cities getting more Republican while
bigger cities and suburbs become more
Democratic was also apparent in a
North Carolina special election for a
congressional seat in September.
And as voting patterns become more
intensely partisan, Democrats could
find it harder to win votes in states like
Kentucky, Mississippi and Louisiana
where Trump is popular.
A candidate with Edwards’ approval
rating and track record would have been
easily re-elected 20 years ago, said Kyle
Kondik, who analyzes elections at the
University of Virginia’s Center for Poli-
tics.
“But in this era, where party label is
so much more meaningful and politics
are so nationalized, even at the state
level, it gets harder,” he said.
That’s the same situation facing Mis-
sissippi Attorney General Jim Hood, the
only Democrat there holding a state-
wide office, who is running to become
governor. Hood faces Lt. Gov. Tate
Reeves in the race to succeed the GOP
governor, who is term-limited.
“I bait my own hook, carry my own
gun and drive my own truck,” Hood
boasts in an ad highlighting the cultur-
ally conservative persona that used to
allow some Democrats to win Republi-
can states.
State legislatures
The battle is just starting for the
brawl that will explode next year in state
legislative races as the parties try to put
themselves in the best position for re-
drawing state and federal legislative
maps after the 2020 Census.
“We got caught off-guard in 2010. The
Republicans routed us,” said Matt Har-
ringer, spokesman for the Democratic
Legislative Campaign Committee.
“Democrats have learned their lesson.”
The party and their allies are out-
spending Republicans in today’s show-
down for control of the Virginia Legisla-
ture, the only state with legislative races
on the ballot where party control could
flip. (Republicans are hoping to main-
tain their supermajority in Mississippi
and gain a supermajority in Louisiana.
Democrats should hold their superma-
jority in New Jersey’s lower house.)
In Virginia, Democrats are trying to
build on their huge gains in 2017 when
they came tantalizingly close to winning
the Legislature in a state that has be-
come increasingly blue.
“Does that trend in Virginia continue,
or do Democrats stall out a little bit in
what’s going to be a lower-turnout elec-
tion?” asked Kondik of the University of
Virginia’s Center for Politics.
Most of the major Democratic presi-
dential candidates have traveled to Vir-
ginia to keep the momentum going. Re-
publicans, however, sent Vice President
Mike Pence – and not Trump – across
the river for a pre-election push.
“Virginia Republicans have built a
wall at the Potomac to keep Donald
Trump out,” Harringer said.
Trump lost Virginia by 5 percentage
points in 2019, and his approval rating is
underwater there.
Quentin Kidd, a political science pro-
fessor at Christopher Newport Univer-
sity in Newport News, Virginia, com-
pares Trump’s role in the election to an
omnipresent force below the surface of
the debate.
“When there’s sort of a strong, steady
wind, people don’t talk about the wind,
but everything they do when they’re
outside is affected by the wind,” he said.
“The undertone of all of (Democrats’)
campaigns in competitive races has
been about sending this message of dis-
approval. Republicans have wanted to
localize elections as much as possible.”
Gun control
Gun violence has played an outsized
role in the legislative elections in Vir-
ginia, a state that suffered the 2007
mass shooting at Virginia Tech and the
May shooting that left a dozen dead in
Virginia Beach.
The Republican speaker of the
House, Kirk Cox, is being challenged by
a woman whose daughter survived a
2016 shooting. The Democrat challeng-
ing the Republican state senator who
represents Virginia Beach ran an ad fea-
turing a woman who was in the city
building there when the shooter at-
tacked.
“I was lucky, but not everyone was,”
Karen Havekost says in the ad, before
criticizing state Sen. Bill DeSteph for not
doing enough to address gun violence.
The ad was partially paid for by Ev-
erytown for Gun Safety Action Fund,
which has outspent the Virginia-based
National Rifle Association in the elec-
tions.
Austin Chambers, president of the
Republican State Leadership Commit-
tee, said Democrats are taking advan-
tage of the tragedy by politicizing it to
fire up their base in a low-turnout elec-
tion.
“I think, for the most part, Democrats
have overplayed their hands,” he said.
“They’ve tried to make this entire elec-
tion about gun control.”
Health care
Health care, the issue that provided
much of the wind in the sails of Demo-
crats in 2018 , was also a top topic in gu-
bernatorial and legislative races.
Edwards’ expansion of Medicaid in
Louisiana was the signature accom-
plishment of his first term and he’s
hammering his GOP challenger for call-
ing for a “freeze” to check whether those
enrolled actually qualify.
In Mississippi, Hood – the Democrat-
ic candidate – has promised to expand
Medicaid while the Republican would
not.
In Kentucky, Beshear wants to undo
changes Bevin made to Medicaid, which
was expanded under Beshear’s father
when he was governor. Bevin has re-
quired that some adults prove they are
working to get benefits and has threat-
ened to end the expansion if a court
challenge to those requirements is suc-
cessful.
In the Virginia legislative races, the
state’s recent Medicaid expansion is so
popular that even some Republicans
who had opposed it are running on their
support for expansion.
But Republicans are also playing of-
fense on health care. An ad in the Ken-
tucky governor’s race shows Democrat-
ic presidential candidates raising their
hands during one of the presidential de-
bates when asked whether they would
provide insurance to immigrants who
are in the country illegally.
A rehearsal for 2020
Both sides are using this year’s elec-
tions to get ready for 2020. They’re test-
ing messaging, voter registration en-
couragement and techniques to get vot-
ers to the polls.
One big focus of the Republican Na-
tional Committee is expanding its
grassroots organization. It has trained
22,000 people this year, moving toward
its goal of having 60,000 ready to mobi-
lize for next year’s elections.
And a “national week of action” held
in the run-up to today’s election in-
cludes a dry run of their get-out-the-
vote effort.
One of the most active groups on the
Democratic side is the political action
committee Priorities USA. They
launched in September a $4 million
campaign targeting voters in the 2020
presidential battleground states of
Michigan, Florida and Pennsylvania.
The activities help the group figure out
which techniques are most effective
while also getting voters in the habit of
going to the polls so they’re more likely
to show up in 2020.
Today’s elections offer a hint at 2020
Maureen Groppe
USA TODAY
People pay their respects on June 3 at a memorial for the victims of a mass
shooting that killed 12 in Virginia Beach, Va. MEGAN RAYMOND/USA TODAY NETWORK
Gov. John Bel Edwards
speaks at a debate.
ANDRE BROUSSARD/SPECIAL
TO USA TODAY NETWORK
Mississippi Attorney General Jim Hood, left and Lt.
Gov. Tate Reeves shake hands after a gubernatorial
debate on Oct. 10.ROGELIO V. SOLIS/AP