The Washington Post - 02.11.2019

(Steven Felgate) #1

SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 2 , 2019. THE WASHINGTON POST EZ RE A


a provision that would require
companies to send most of the
funds they currently spend on
employee health contributions
to the federal government.
The plan also expands War-
ren’s signature wealth tax pro-
posal, so that people with a net
worth above $1 billion would pay
a 6 percent tax rather than the
original 3 percent. (Those with a
worth of less than $1 billion but
more than $50 million would
still pay 2 percent.)
The plan would also cut mili-
tary spending, and it would take
advantage of what Warren says
would be significant savings
from eliminating the labyrin-
thine bureaucracy of private in-
surance.
Warren contended her plan
does not include a tax on the
middle class, a position some
disputed. Rather, she said, it will
result in a $11 trillion tax cut for
working Americans. “Congratu-
lations on the raise!” Warren
wrote in her Medium post.
The senator also said that in
coming weeks she will roll out a
transition plan, adding, “Of
course, moving to this kind of
system will not be easy and will
not happen overnight.”
[email protected]

Matt Viser contributed to this report.

Warren did secure praise from
key players on the left, a popula-
tion she’s actively courting. Ady
Barkan, an influential health-
care activist who met privately
with Warren in California over
the summer, lauded her plan as
“perhaps the greatest feat of
public policy jujitsu that I have
ever seen.”
Jared Bernstein, an economic
adviser to Biden during the
Obama administration, also
praised the plan’s deftness.
“Politically, health-care reform
can be the Afghanistan of domes-
tic policy. You can get completely
bogged down there,” he said, but
Warren’s detailed plan provides a
way out of the trap.
“When you don’t have an an-
swer, you’re just going to kind of
flounder around, and at this
point she can she can very much
argue, ‘Go read page 14 and
appendix two, and then we’ll
talk,’ ” he said.
The debate over health care is
particularly resonant for Demo-
crats because they say Republi-
cans are vulnerable on the issue,
due to their attempts to elimi-
nate the Affordable Care Act, or
Obamacare, which has grown
increasingly popular.
Warren’s funding proposal
mostly involves hitting corpora-
tions and the wealthy, including

questioned its assumptions. Ken-
neth E. Thorpe, chairman of the
health policy department at Em-
ory University and an expert on
Medicare-for-all, said Warren
was significantly underestimat-
ing the costs.
He said the cost in new federal

spending would be $35 trillion
over 10 years, about $15 trillion
more than Warren’s estimate.
“There’s no way it’s $20 trillion. I
don’t know why they’d put out
that number,” Thorpe said. “The
bottom line is, even with all the
big numbers she’s got in there,
you’re only getting 55, 60 percent
of the way there.”

come up with a funding blue-
print.
“After the last debate she, she
felt like, ‘Okay, I’m going to dig
in,’ ” said Rep. Pramila Jayapal
(D-Wash.). Jayapal is the lead
sponsor of the House version of
the Medicare-for-all plan, and
she has been having conversa-
tions with Warren about it for
months.
She praised Warren’s efforts.
“It’s just really clear that this is
not a question of: Can we do it
viably?” Jayapal said. “It’s a ques-
tion of: Do we have the political
will to take on the entrenched
interests?”
Republicans were quick to
pounce, providing a preview of
what a general election could
look like should Warren be the
nominee. The plan will “hurt
millions by eliminating their
jobs and private health insur-
ance while simultaneously bank-
rupting the country and hurting
the quality of care,” said Steve
Guest, a spokesman for the Re-
publican National Committee.
The Daily Caller, a conserva-
tive news outlet, posted a politi-
cal cartoon depicting Warren’s
plan as a massive Trojan horse,
one that looks appealing but
contains “crippling taxation.”
Warren cited several experts
in rolling out her plan, but others

Several other Democratic can-
didates back a “public option,”
under which a Medicare-type
plan would be available to every-
one but would not be universal.
“She accepted Bernie Sand-
ers’s Medicare-for-all program
and then had to reverse engineer
how to pay for some of it. But it’s
not terribly persuasive,” said Sen.
Michael F. Bennet (D-Colo.), an-
other candidate for president.
Former vice president Joe
Biden charged that Warren’s cost
estimates were off by trillions
and there was no reasonable
path to paying for such a sprawl-
ing health care overhaul.
“She’s making it up. There is
no way,” Biden said in an inter-
view with “PBS NewsHour.”
Sanders remained silent on
Warren’s proposal Friday, and his
campaign declined to comment
on it. His reaction will be a key
test for those on the left, signal-
ing whether Warren has hewed
closely enough to Sanders’s ideas
to win support from his voters if
his campaign falters.
Warren endured sustained at-
tacks from her Democratic rivals
during the last presidential de-
bate, in large part because of her
inability to explain how she’d pay
for Medicare-for-all. It was short-
ly after that Oct. 15 faceoff that
her staff ramped up efforts to

Americans from additional costs
but positioned herself squarely
on the side of embracing steep
tax hikes — effectively daring
President Trump, should she win
the nomination, to brand her a
tax-and-spend liberal.
“Health care is a human right,
and we need a system that re-
flects our values. That system is
Medicare-for-all,” Warren wrote
in a Medium post published
Friday. “A key step in winning the
public debate over Medicare-for-
all will be explaining what this
plan costs — and how to pay for
it.”
Centrist Democrats moved
swiftly Friday to sound the alarm
that Warren, who leads the pack
in recent early-state polls and
has amassed what many see as
the most effective Democratic
campaign operation, risks hand-
ing the Republicans a major
advantage.
Not only would Warren have
to defend new taxes as part of her
health plan — on top of roughly
$5 trillion in new taxes she has
already advocated to cover a
range of other proposals — but
she would be attempting to con-
vince Americans to support vir-
tually erasing more than
150 million private health insur-
ance plans.
“The average Democrat in
Ohio is going to say: ‘Wait a
minute, I mean, how do you do
that? How do you do all of that?
Free this and free that? How does
that happen?’ ” said Rep. Tim
Ryan (D-Ohio), a moderate who
recently dropped out of the
presidential race. “We just want
to beat Trump. That’s the revolu-
tion. Beating Trump.”
While not specifically com-
menting on Warren’s plan, House
Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.)
used a television interview Fri-
day to point to the potential
electoral dangers for Democrats
of backing such a program in
2020.
“I’m not a big fan of Medicare-
for-all,” Pelosi told Bloomberg
TV, adding: “Hopefully, as we
emerge into the election year, the
mantra will be ‘more health care
for all Americans,’ because there
is a comfort level that some
people have with their current
private insurance.”
Others chided Warren for
backing herself into a corner by
supporting an idea proposed by
her main liberal rival, Sen. Ber-
nie Sanders, the democratic so-
cialist from Vermont, and then
failing to consider how to fund it.
Sanders has said that middle-
class taxes would go up, though
overall costs would go down.


WARREN FROM A


BY JOSH DAWSEY

President Trump has aban-
doned the idea of releasing pro-
posals to combat gun violence
that his White House debated for
months following mass shootings
in August, according to White
House officials and lawmakers, a
reversal from the summer when
the president insisted he would
offer policies to curb firearm
deaths.
Trump has been counseled by
political advisers, including cam-
paign manager Brad Parscale and
acting chief of staff Mick Mulva-
ney, that gun legislation could
splinter his political coalition,
which he needs to stick together
for his reelection bid, particularly
amid an impeachment battle.
The president no longer asks
about the issue, and aides from
the Domestic Policy Council,
once working on a plan with eight
to 12 tenets, have moved on to
other topics, according to aides
who spoke on the condition of
anonymity to describe the private
deliberations.
Four White House officials said
there haven’t been substantive
discussions in weeks. And a per-
son close to the National Rifle
Association said discussions be-
tween the White House and the
group have gone silent in a sign
that the powerful gun lobby is no
longer concerned the White
House will act. Trump was
pressed repeatedly by NRA Presi-
dent Wayne LaPierre this summer


and early fall to not propose any
gun-control measures.
“President Trump quietly
moved gun control to the side and
let it be replaced by breaking
news,” said Dan Eberhart, a major
GOP donor who said Trump is
better off not advancing proposals
at this time. “I suspect that was
the plan all along.”
The White House’s position is a
marked, if not wholly unexpected,
change from when the president
vowed he would make a push to
pass more restrictive laws af-
ter two gunmen killed scores of
people in Dayton, Ohio, and El
Paso in early August, creating na-
tional outrage.
Trump repeatedly said he was a
supporter of more aggressive
background checks, would con-
sider “red flag” laws that allow
authorities to temporarily take
weapons away from someone
deemed a danger, and frequently
mentioned the need to focus on
mental health as it relates to gun
violence.
He made a flurry of calls to
lawmakers while crossing the
country to visit victims and said
he would be willing to go against
the desires of the NRA.
In the face of skepticism that he
would not push hard for gun re-
strictions his party has long op-
posed, Trump insisted he was seri-
ous about the issue and would
release proposals.
“We’re going to take a look at a
lot of different things. And we’ll be
reporting back in a fairly short
period of time,” he told reporters
on Sept. 11. “There are a lot of
things under discussion. Some
things will never happen, and
some things can, really, very much
— some very meaningful things
can happen.”
Trump could always reverse

course and embrace changes to
gun laws, particularly if there is
another shooting, but the presi-
dent and his top aides are intense-
ly focused on the impeachment
inquiry and moving to aggressive-
ly shore up Republican support in
the face of new revelations about
his dealings with Ukraine that are
central to House Democrats’ ef-
forts to remove him from office.
Administration officials are also
weighing a new proposal about
legal immigration to be released
around the holidays, as well as a
new round of tax cuts and pushing
forward on a U.S., Canada and
Mexico trade deal that adminis-
tration officials have touted —
issues they believe will appeal to
GOP lawmakers and the presi-
dent’s base of supporters.
On Thursday, White House
press secretary Stephanie
Grisham accused House Demo-
crats of pursuing an “illegitimate
impeachment proceeding”
against Trump at the expense of
policy priorities, including “re-
ducing gun violence.”
House Democrats argue that
they have already passed gun-
control legislation and that it is up
to Trump and the Republican-
controlled Senate to act.
Several senators working with
Trump on gun proposals said they
have not been involved in any
recent talks.
“I’ve even forgotten my own
bill. One minute you’re working
on red flag, the next you’re work-
ing on Syria, then you’re doing an
impeachment resolution, then
you’re going to get an award in
Columbia. It’s like being a torna-
do. I hope we get back to it,” said
Sen. Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.),
who was working on the issue
with Trump.
A White House spokesman did

not provide a comment for this
story.
Democrats in the 2020 cam-
paign have universally favored
background checks and to ban
assault weapons. Some have
called for a gun buyback pro-
gram.
Former congressman Beto
O’Rourke of Texas made gun con-
trol the central focus of his presi-
dential campaign following the El
Paso shooting, but he floundered
in the polls and announced Friday
that he was dropping out of the
race.
When asked in August about
criticism that he would take peo-
ple’s guns away, former vice presi-
dent Joe Biden said, “Bingo!
You’re right, if you have an assault
weapon.”
But it has not proved to be the
dominant topic on the trail.
Trump’s waning interest in gun
legislation began before the im-
peachment inquiry, as a fierce
battle played out inside the West
Wing.
In August, Domestic Policy
Council staffers began to craft a
plan that was set to be released in
early September. There were
meetings on a communications
strategy for releasing the plan,
according to a person who attend-
ed the sessions.
Several Oval Office meetings
occurred with Trump, who was
repeatedly pushed by his daugh-
ter Ivanka Trump, according to
her supporters and critics in the
building.
She was joined in lobbying the
president to do something, such
as expanding background checks,
by Attorney General William P.
Barr. Jared Kushner, the presi-
dent’s son-in-law, has largely
stayed out of the issue, officials
say.

Trump faced pressure from
Mulvaney, the vice president’s of-
fice and conservative lawmakers
to abandon making any proposals
or to at least tread carefully in
doing so.
Trump grew disenchanted with
red-flag laws after hearing from
Reps. Mark Meadows (R-N.C.) and
Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) and other
conservatives that they could be
used to take away guns from law-
abiding citizens, according to
White House officials.
And Trump believed back-
ground checks — at the very mini-
mum — needed another name,
according to people who spoke
with him. “He was worried about
branding,” said a person who
spoke with Trump on the phone
about the matter.
Trump was also shown polling
that gun-control measures could
depress turnout among his sup-
porters in the 2020 election, ac-
cording to a campaign official.
Officials from the NRA made
dozens of calls to White House
aides, and Trump spoke with
LaPierre at least six times, accord-
ing to two senior White House
officials.
Tensions among some in the
White House and the moderate
Democrats and Republicans who
Trump was discussing gun legisla-
tion with began to rise as talks
stalled.
Michael Williams, a former gun
lobbyist who now works for Mul-
vaney, had a loud argument with
Sens. Joe Manchin III (D-W.Va.)
and Graham in one call, according
to a person with knowledge of the
conversation. Manchin and
Graham believed Williams was
seeking to tank any bill.
At one point, Graham com-
plained about Mulvaney’s han-
dling of the issue, according to

people who heard the comment.
Later, White House officials
said they felt they could not take
on gun control during impeach-
ment. Asked if the president was
ever serious about the issue, one
senior administration official
said: “He could have been if the
circumstances all played out just
right.”
Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.)
received a call from Ivanka Trump
in September, according to offi-
cials familiar with the matter, who
promised the administration
would continue to work on gun
control.
But Murphy has mostly lost
hope, he said in a recent interview.
“I haven’t heard anything di-
rectly from the White House in
weeks and would be surprised if
something happens at this point,”
he said. “They’ve got to be willing
to break from the NRA if we are
going to do anything real.”
A person close to Manchin said
he had not heard from the admin-
istration in more than a month. A
Murphy aide said the senator had
not had any discussions with the
administration since Sept. 24.
On Sept. 24, Trump told House
Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D) how
much progress they had made on
a gun-control proposal and that
he was talking to Democrats, ac-
cording to a person familiar with
the call. Later that day, she an-
nounced an impeachment inqui-
ry, and no conversations have oc-
curred since, the official said.
“He’s not going to take on
things related to his base in the
middle of all this,” said Chris Rud-
dy, a longtime ally, echoing the
view that Trump will not do any-
thing to antagonize his support-
ers while impeachment hangs
over his head.
[email protected]

Trump backs o≠ plan to o≠er ideas to curb gun violence


Warren


details her


health-care


proposal


MELINA MARA/THE WASHINGTON POST
Democratic presidential candidate Elizabeth Warren released a $20.5 trillion health-care plan Friday that includes a raft of new taxes. The U.S. senator from Massachusetts
said the new taxes would affect businesses and the wealthy, stressing that the middle class would not have to carry the burden of funding a Medicare-for-all system.

Advisers fear issue
may divide GOP amid
impeachment inquiry

“The average Democrat


in Ohio is going


to say: ‘Wait a minute,


I mean, how do you do


that?... Free this and


free that? How does


that happen?’ ”
Rep. Tim Ryan (D-Ohio), about Sen.
Elizabeth Warren’s health-care plan
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