The Economist USA - 26.10.2019

The EconomistOctober 26th 2019 43

1

I

n october2017 Faustin Archange Toua-

déra was in a difficult spot. The president

of the Central African Republic (car), one

of the world’s poorest and most fragile

countries, was struggling to quell a dozen

or so militias that threatened his regime. A

year earlier France had withdrawn troops

from its former colony. An arms embargo

meant that the government of carcould

not equip its own soldiers. Short of op-

tions, Mr Touadéra did what desperate Afri-

can leaders sometimes do: he turned to

President Vladimir Putin of Russia.

The impact was swift. Within weeks a

mining and a security company linked to

Yevgeny Prigozhin, Mr Putin’s crony, were

reportedly registered in Bangui, the capi-

tal. That December Russia successfully lob-

bied for the arms embargo to be lifted. Soon

after, it dispatched weapons and mercenar-

ies to shore up Mr Touadéra’s regime, as

well as a former gru(military intelligence)

operative to act as the president’s security

adviser. A few months later Lobaye Invest,

the mining company, won concessions to

look for gold and diamonds. When three

Russian journalists tried to investigate

their country’s shady operations in car

they turned up dead in July 2018.

Mr Putin would like to have the world

believe that his country’s approach to the

continent is about more than chicanery. To

that end, on October 23rd and 24th, Rus-

sia’s president hosted more than 40 Afri-

can leaders at a first-of-its-kind summit in

Sochi. As at the triennial summit of African

leaders hosted by China, which the Sochi

summit aped, there was much talk of trade

and investment. “We have a lot to offer to

our African friends,” said Mr Putin, ahead

of the event. But Russia’s actions in car—

and in other weak states—capture the na-

ture of its operations in Africa much better

than the rhetoric of Mr Putin, who over-

states his country’s influence.

Russia has a long history of intervening

in Africa. Its volunteers fought the British

in the second Boer war. During the cold war

the Soviet Union inculcated post-colonial

leaders in Marxism-Leninism and backed

liberation movements in countries such as

Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau,

often as part of proxy wars with the West.

Russia’s ambitions shrank after the So-

viet Union collapsed. But over the past de-

cade, and especially after America and the

European Union imposed sanctions on

Russia related to its annexation of Crimea

in 2014, the Kremlin has viewed Africa as

an increasingly important arena. Since

2015 a dozen African leaders have visited

Russia. From 2006 to 2018 Russia’s total

trade with sub-Saharan Africa increased by

336%. It is the largest arms exporter to the

continent, accounting for 39% of deliveries

in 2013-17 (many from Russia to Algeria).

Judged by the displays at Sochi, more

will soon be on the way. “I didn’t know it

would be a gun show,” says a Mauritanian

businessman surveying the hall. There was

weaponry all around: helicopters, tanks

and missiles to shoot at helicopters and

Russia in Africa

The art of darkness

JOHANNESBURG AND SOCHI

Vladimir Putin flaunts Russia’s influence in Africa. But the country is not as

important as his spin suggests

Out to Africa

Sources: SIPRI; IMF

*Measures value of arms transfers, adjusted

for capability, rather than financial value

Russian exports to Africa

Arms exports, trend

indicator value*, bn

Total exports

$bn

0

0.5

1.0

1.5

2.0

2.5

2007 10 15 18

0

5

10

15

20

2007 10 15 18

Middle East & Africa

45 Turmoil in South Africa’s opposition

44 Carving up northern Syria

46 Big protests in Lebanon

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