Kimberly Clausing
110 μ¢¤³£ ¬μμ¬
seekers at the border and undocumented immigrants within the
United States, as well as reducing quotas for legal immigrants and
slowing down the processing o their applications.
But Trump has not been alone in his battle against economic open-
ness. During the 2016 campaign, he was joined in his calls for protec-
tionism by the Democratic primary candidate Bernie Sanders, who
also blamed bad trade agreements for the plight o the American
worker. Even the Democratic nominee, Hillary Clinton, who as
secretary o state had championed the ¡, was forced by political
necessity to abandon her earlier support for the agreement. Democrats
have not, fortunately, mimicked Trump’s anti-immigrant rhetoric,
but when it comes to free trade, their support has often been luke-
warm at best. While some Democrats have criticized Trump’s coun-
terproductive taris and disruptive trade wars, many o them hesitate
when asked i they would repudiate the administration’s trade poli-
cies, especially with respect to China. The political winds have
shifted; now, it seems as i those who purport to sympathize with
workers and stand up for the middle class must also question the
merits o economic openness.
American workers have indeed been left behind, but open eco-
nomic policies remain in their best interest: by reducing prices for
consumers and companies, free trade helps workers more than it
hurts them, and by creating jobs, oering complementary skills, and
paying taxes, so do immigrants. Instead o hawking discredited nation-
alist economic ideas, politicians seeking to improve Americans’ eco-
nomic lot—especially progressives focused on reducing inequality
and rebuilding the middle class—should be looking to domestic
policy to address workers’ needs, while also improving trade agree-
ments and increasing immigration. That, not taris and walls, is what
it will take to improve the plight o regular Americans.
THE TRADE BOOGEYMAN
Forty years o widening inequality and slow wage growth have left
many Americans searching for answers. It may be tempting, then, to
blame the United States’ trading partners, many o which have expe-
rienced remarkable jumps in ³² and wages. China, perhaps the most
spectacular example, saw its ³² per capita expand more than 22-fold
from 1980 to 2018—in terms o 2010 U.S. dollars, from $350 to $7,750.
Yet during the same period, U.S. ³² per capita grew from $28,600