Nell Irvin Painter
178 μ¢¤³£ ¬μμ¬
disconnected from economic (and, in
the case o Metzl, biological) self-interest,
politicians will remain free to pursue
policies that beneÄt corporations and
the wealthy but that do ordinary white
people little good. But political issues
that matter beyond white identity—for
instance, voting rights and equal treat-
ment under the law—hardly appear in
these books. And none o the three
books oers a convincing path out o the
dangerous territory into which the
United States has been thrust by white
identity politics.IF YOU’RE WHITE, YOU’RE ALRIGHT
Kaufmann is a professor o politics at
Birkbeck, University o London. He is
an expert on the politics o Northern
Ireland and thus brings a sense o
history to the subject o white identity,
which he terms “white ethno-tradition-
alism.” His book deals mostly with the
United States, but Canada and Europe
also come into view. By his reckoning,
race is a genetic fact, and in a manner
reminiscent o nineteenth- and early-
twentieth-century scientists’ belie in
temperamental dierences based on race,
he perceives a “white arch-type” that has
certain recognizable cultural manifesta-
tions. He calls multicultural and multi-
racial populations in Western countries
“mixed-race” and uses the term “unmixed”
with scare quotes but without irony.
Kaufmann explores the attitudes o
white people who oppose immigrants and
refugees and voted for Brexit or Trump
and argues that most o them are not
power hungry or antiblack. They’re just
normal human beings who, feeling
threatened, are engaging in cultural
self-defense. To prove that his claims rest
on sound science, Kaufmann displaysthat’s what makes them both interesting
and, ultimately, vexing. All three
authors seem to believe that it is possible
to understand whiteness ontologically,
as a thing. But race is better understood
as an ongoing discourse, not as a
physical reality. Although racism and
the discrimination that accompanies it
clearly have measurable social and
economic eects, race is a concept that
should be described with verbs such as
“to seem,” as opposed to “to be.” The
belie in the reality o race as a biologi-
cally or otherwise Äxed characteristic,
however, is like the belie in witchcraft,
as the sociologist Karen Fields said
years ago: there’s nothing one can say to
disprove it. And, I would add, that
belie produces clear political outcomes.
I there is no such thing as a stable,
freestanding category o whites, how
can one make convincing claims about
whiteness and white identity politics?
The solution to this problem, for these
authors and many others, is to turn to
data, measurements, charts, and graphs.
Eric Kaufmann and Ashley Jardina
analyze data from opinion surveys to
make arguments about the roots o white
resentment. Jonathan Metzl examines
medical statistics and conducts inter-
views with individuals to understand
why white-identifying people support a
conservative political agenda that has
had a deleterious eect on their own
health and well-being. Kaufmann and
Jardina focus on white identiÄers’
conservative politics but minimize the
Republican Party’s strategy o exploiting
the enormous emotional power o
whiteness to advance regressive taxation,
limit the social safety net, and disem-
power workers. All three authors recog-
nize that so long as white identity is