Foreign Affairs - 11.2019 - 12.2019

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foment tension. Tehran and its proxies

have carried out assassinations, kidnap-

pings, and terrorist attacks against

Americans and U.S. allies. The clerical

regime has made anti-Americanism a core

component o its ideology and public

rhetoric. And although elements o the

Iranian leadership have long favored

détente, powerful constituencies within

Tehran—including hard-line clerics and

the Islamic Revolutionary Guard

Corps—have time and again sought to

scuttle e­orts at diplomatic outreach.

The Obama administration, how-

ever, demonstrated that Tehran’s

belligerence need not be an unsur-

mountable obstacle to progress. Like

Clinton, Obama entered o„ce deter-

mined to get tough on Iran. During his

†rst term, he used his credibility with

the Europeans to expand multilateral

sanctions on Iran, hoping to force

Tehran to negotiate over its nuclear

weapons program. Then, Iranian

presidential elections in 2013 replaced

the incendiary Mahmoud Ahmadinejad

with Hassan Rouhani, a Western-edu-

cated cleric who was willing to ex-

change a long-term freeze on Iran’s

nuclear weapons program for relie” from

U.S. sanctions. The resulting agree-

ment, the •–—˜™, was narrowly focused

on the nuclear issue: it was not intended

by either side to resolve the myriad

other impediments to U.S.-Iranian

reconciliation. But many supporters o

the deal thought that the successful

negotiation o such a complex agree-

ment would set a useful precedent,

allowing for future dialogue on other

issues. After bringing maximal multilat-

eral pressure on Iran in his †rst term,

Obama left o„ce having laid the

groundwork for improved relations.

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FA 65_rev.indd 1 9/23/19 9:59 AM