The Economist

(Steven Felgate) #1
The EconomistJuly 21st 2018 Europe 39

1

Spanish history

Disturbing Franco’s ghost


R


ATHER than a war memorial it is a
monument to a victory. Francisco
Franco whose military rebellion against
a turbulent parliamentaryrepublic trig-
gered the Spanish civil war and his 36-
year dictatorship conceived of the Valley
of the Fallen as a place to pay tribute to
those who died for what he called his
“Crusade”. Erected over 19 years using
forced labour it is designed to inspire fear
ratherthan sorrow. Its massive cross on a
rocky outcrop in the foothills of the Sierra
de Guadarrama is visible from the out-
skirts of Madrid and its basilica is a cold
vault bored 250 metres into the moun-
tainside. It contains the remainsof 3384 7
dead from both sides in the war. Only
two graves both in the basilica’s transept
are named: those of José Antonio Primo
de Rivera founder of Spain’s fascist party
and Franco himself.
In a vibrant democracy the site has
become an aberration. Last year parlia-
ment approved a resolution sponsored
by the Socialists andsupported by all
parties except the conservative People’s
Party ( PP) and a Catalan party to move
Franco’s remains rebury Primo de Rivera
in a less prominent place and “resignify”
the Valley as a democratic memorial.
Having unexpectedly ousted the PPfrom
government by means of a censure mo-
tion in May Pedro Sánchez the new
Socialist prime minister is poised to act
on the resolution. Franco’s remains will
be exhumed “in a very short space of
time” he told parliament on July 17th.
Only a few diehard franquistas active-
ly oppose Mr Sánchez’s decision. Several
hundred of them staged a protest at the
Valley recently. But the PPis discomfited
by the issue. Many of itsvoters are over

60; they grew up in the latter decades of
Franco’s rule which while still repres-
sive saw growing economic prosperity
and the creation of a middle class. And
many families have forebears who were
on opposing sides in the war.
“Our democracy will have symbols
that unite citizens” Mr Sánchez prom-
ised. That is a worthy aim. To achieve it
the Socialists should restrain their desire
to set up a “Truth Commission” about a
war that ended almost 80 years ago or
turn the Valley into a “museum of memo-
ry” which will doubtless be the version
imagined only by one side. Far better to
make it a simple national war memorial
help those who still don’t know what
happened to relatives killed in the war
and repression or where they are bu-
ried—and leave the rest to the historians.

SAN LORENZO DE EL ESCORIAL
Pedro Sánchez tackles the Valley of the Fallen

Time for Franco to go

T


URKEY’S right-wing nationalists have
seldom had it so good. The government
of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has em-
braced their main causes bombing Kurd-
ish insurgents at home and abroad pro-
moting militarism in education and using
siege mentality as foreign policy. Their sup-
porters have reaped the rewards of an alli-
ance with the ruling Justice and Develop-
ment ( AK) party. The ulkuculer as they are
colloquially known have landed scores of
jobs in the bureaucracy amid the mass
purges that followed the attempted coup
of 2016.
They have emerged even stronger from
the presidential and parliamentary elec-
tions held simultaneously on June 24th.
Ulkucu voters helped propel Mr Erdogan to
a solid first-round victory. Their main po-
litical group the Nationalist Movement
Party ( MHP) won over 11% in the parlia-
mentary contest twice as much as most
polls predicted. The ruling AKparty which
ended up a few seats short of an outright
majority depends on the nationalists for
support. Despite earlierspeculation MrEr-
dogan who took his oath on July 9th—
flanked by democratic heavyweights such
as Venezuela’s president Nicolás Maduro
and Sudan’s leader Omar al-Bashir—did
not appoint any MHP members to his cabi-
net. (Instead he placed his son-in-law the
former energy minister in charge of the
economy a move the Turkish lira greeted
by losing 4% of its value against the dollar
in a matter of hours before rebounding
slightly.)
The ulkuculer many of whom have

connections to Turkey’s criminal under-
world have been celebrating their good
fortune in style. Two days after the election
the MHP’s veteran leader Devlet Bahceli
took out a full-page advert in a number of
newspapers naming and reprimanding
every pollster and journalist who criti-
cised him in the run-up to the election.
“We’ll never forget what you did” he
wrote. Another prominent ulkucu Alaat-
tin Cakici a mafia boss convicted of order-
ing the assassination of his former wife
went slightly further threatening one of
the journalists Mr Bahceli had listed as
well as six others with murder.
Founded in the 1960s the MHP traces its
lineage to the 19th century when part of
the Ottoman elite embraced ethnic nation-

alism and the union of all Turkic peoples
as a remedy against the empire’s disinte-
gration. During much of the cold war the
ulkuculer were driven by opposition to
communism. (The MHP’s armed wing
known as the Grey Wolves spent years
fighting deadly street battles against left-
ists.) In the 1990s the ulkuculer backed a
scorched-earth offensive against the
armed Kurdistan Workers’ Party ( PKK) ac-
companied by many human-rights
abuses and opposed any expression of
Kurdish identity.
In the early years of AKrule when Tur-
key launched accession talks with the
European Union and implemented a
string of democratic reforms they receded
from view. Their courtship with political

Turkey’s ultra-nationalists

Dancing with


wolves


ISTANBUL
Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s pact with the
far right spells trouble
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