2019-10-12_The_Economist_

(C. Jardin) #1

28 United States The EconomistOctober 12th 2019


S


omehow daryl moreymust not have
been fully briefed on the most-followed
but least-discussed rule of doing business
in China: do not say anything that might re-
flect negatively on the Communist Party.
On the morning of October 5th in Tokyo, Mr
Morey, the general manager of the Houston
Rockets, a National Basketball Association
(nba) team heretofore loved by millions of
Chinese fans, ignited a furore in China by
tweeting a seven-word message in support
of protesters in Hong Kong: “Fight for free-
dom”, he wrote. “Stand with Hong Kong.” In
response to the tweet, which Mr Morey
would later delete, the Communist Party
showed its willingness to use market pow-
er to constrain speech beyond China’s bor-
ders—which in turn is hardening resis-
tance in America to China’s influence.
Chinese nationalists circulated the im-
age from Twitter (which is blocked in Chi-
na) on Chinese social media, and angrily
asserted that Mr Morey was challenging
China’s sovereignty over Hong Kong. Chi-
na’s consulate in Houston issued a state-
ment that China was “deeply shocked” and
urged the Rockets to “correct the error”. The
Chinese Basketball Association—chaired
by Yao Ming, China’s greatest player and a
former Rocket (helping explain the mas-
sive popularity of the team in China)—de-
clared its “strong opposition” to Mr Mo-

rey’s tweet and said it would stop working
with the Rockets.
cctv, the state broadcaster, and Ten-
cent, an internet conglomerate that
streams nba games, announced they
would not show Rockets games. Sponsors
cut ties with the team. E-commerce sites
stopped selling Rockets kit. The official
nbastore in Beijing, the largest outside
North America, was instructed by the au-
thorities to remove all Rockets merchan-
dise from the shelves, according to a sales-
man there (with the exception of Yao Ming
jerseys). People’s Daily, the party’s mouth-
piece, accused Mr Morey of being “pro-sep-
aratist”. The controlling owner of the
Brooklyn Nets, Joe Tsai, a Taiwan-born bil-
lionaire who made his fortune at Alibaba, a
Chinese e-commerce giant, published an
open letter suggesting boundaries for ac-
ceptable speech about China. He implied
that Mr Morey had endorsed a “separatist
movement” in Hong Kong, which Mr Tsai
called a “third-rail” issue. All “1.4bn Chi-
nese citizens stand united when it comes
to the territorial integrity of China”, Mr Tsai
wrote. “This issue is non-negotiable.”
China is by far the nba’s most important
international market, with as many as
500m people watching at least one nba
game last season. nbaexecutives and play-
ers quickly tried to react as many business-
es with a big China audience have done in
the past, by distancing themselves from
the perceived offence. Tilman Fertitta, the
owner of the Rockets, said that Mr Morey
did not speak for the team. Backtracking,
Mr Morey later said that he “was merely
voicing one thought, based on one inter-
pretation, of one complicated event”.
James Harden, the Rockets’ superstar,
whose popularity in China increases the
value of his endorsement deals, apologised

in a television interview. “We love China,”
he said. The nbaissued a statement that it
was “regrettable” that Mr Morey had “deep-
ly offended” the league’s fans in China. A
Chinese version of the nba’s statement
went further, saying the league was “ex-
tremely disappointed” by Mr Morey’s “in-
appropriate remarks”.
Self-censoring to make money in China
is a long-standing business practice. The
most obvious example is Hollywood,
where studios steer clear of any topics in
their films that would upset Chinese au-
thorities, so that they can maintain access
to the world’s second-largest market. But
virtually all foreign businesses operating
in China have long self-censored in a more
subtle, pernicious way, by never speaking
publicly about any issue the Communist
Party deems off-limits. Business leaders
know they are expected to keep silent
about the internment of as many as 1m Ui-
ghurs in Xinjiang (where the nbaoperates
a training academy, opened in 2016).
The Morey episode shows it is getting
trickier for businesses to navigate between
expectations in America, where outcry is
growing over China’s authoritarian tactics,
and the ever-tougher demands of China
under Xi Jinping. Adam Silver, the nba’s
commissioner, having taken flak over the
nba’s spineless initial response, clarified
his support for free speech, saying “the nba
will not put itself in a position of regulating
what players, employees and team owners
say.” That may be true for the nba, which
has a tradition of supporting free speech
for its stars. It also still earns most of its
money in America. But China’s fierce reac-
tion to Mr Morey’s tweet is certain to in-
duce more self-censorship by executives in
the future. And when they choose not to
speak at all, few will take note. 7

OAKLAND AND BEIJING
China’s Communist Party dunks on the
National Basketball Association

Offending China

Alley-oops


Houston, we have a problem

and make the stonewalling part of an ob-
struction charge. Yet Democrats would
rather take more time in the hope of sway-
ing public opinion, which seems to be
moving their way (see Lexington). If they
impeach the president on what sounds like
a technicality, and before conducting a full
inquiry, it would be easier for Senate Re-
publicans to defend him.
That may explain the White House’s
strategy. Reasoning that the House will
probably vote to impeach eventually, why
not get it over with now? As soon as the
House votes to impeach, control of both
the procedure and the news cycle will shift
from Ms Pelosi and House Democrats to
Mitch McConnell and Senate Republicans.
By the time voters head to the polls next
year, impeachment would be old news.
And it will have been more than a year since
the president’s lawyer affirmed in writing
that seeking intervention from a foreign
government in an American election “was
completely appropriate”. 7

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