The Globe and Mail - 19.10.2019

(Ron) #1
SATURDAY,OCTOBER19,2019 | THEGLOBEANDMAIL O OPINION | O 7

The former leader of the Sas-
katchewanPartyisnoWestern
separatist. But “I hear from peo-
ple all the time who are ques-
tioning the relation the West has
with the rest of the federation.”
And if a hung Parliament leav-
es the NDP, and possibly the
Green Party, demanding even
greater restrictions on petroleum
production in exchange for their
support, anger in Alberta and
Saskatchewan could combust.
The third divide is not region-
al, but generational. Young vot-
ers turned out en masse in 2015
in support of Justin Trudeau’s
message of hope and change,
driving turnout to levels not seen
since the early 1990s.
But purchasing a pipeline,
backtracking on promises of
electoral reform, making little
progress on Indigenous issues,
forcing two powerful women,
one of them Indigenous, out of
the caucus over the SNC-Lavalin
affair, has shaken the confidence
of younger votersin thisgovern-
ment. The revelation at the be-
ginning of the campaign that Mr.
Trudeau once liked to dress up in
blackface only made things
worse, says Ms. Asalya, of the
Newcomer Students’ Association
at Ryerson. “I think many of
them are very disappointed.”

Jagmeet Singh’s NDP has prof-
ited from their disaffection. But
Paul Kershaw says he believes
the national political parties still
underinvest in priorities for
younger voters, privileging older
voters more in policy choices.
“That’s because millennials may
have the numbers, but their
turnout rates are still not as high
as that of the aging population,”
says the political scientist at the
University of British Columbia
and founder of Generation
Squeeze, which promotes youth
participation in politics.
A political party that truly em-
braced the concerns of younger
voters, he says, would tax proper-
ty more heavily, reflecting the
good fortune of older voters who
got into the housing market
when homes were more afforda-
ble. A government with intergen-
erational consciousness would
not accumulate debt that young-
er voters must one day pay off in
order to improve services for ol-
der voters, while underinvesting
in child care, parental leave and
other policies that matter to the
generation raising young chil-
dren.
The Liberals, NDP and the
Greens all propose to provide in-
creased income security for an
aging population, including

some form of pharmacare, a so-
cial service disproportionately
used by older voters, to be paid
for from young workers’ taxes.
But the Conservatives are no
better, Prof. Kershaw adds, with
their reluctance to confront glob-
al warming, “which young peo-
ple see as an existential crisis.”
One solution to the problem
of intergenerational inequity
would be moving to proportional
representation, since progressiv-
es outnumber conservatives
among younger voters, but their
vote is split among the Greens,
NDP and Liberals. Mr. Trudeau’s
broken promise to end the first-
past-the-post voting system es-
pecially rankles.
But PR could also lead to the
rise of anti-immigrant MPs. Max-
ime Bernier’s People’s Party ap-
pears to have fizzled, but another
leader and another party might
do better. Some polls now sug-
gest that a majority of Canadians
would like to see fewer immi-
grants coming into Canada.
So what happens after Oct. 21?
Unless voters shift decisively in
the coming days, no party is ex-
pected to win a majority of seats,
leaving both the Liberals and the
Conservatives scrambling to find
the votes needed to survive a
Throne Speech.

That may mean, in exchange
for Bloc support, promising even
greater autonomy for Quebec in
the spheres of immigration, taxa-
tion and culture, along witha
promise to drop any thought of
joining the Bill 21 court chal-
lenge.
It might also mean abandon-
ing the Trans Mountain pipeline
as a condition for NDP or Green
support. If that happens, Mr. Wall
fears for the future of the West
inside Canada.
And the NDP and Greens may
well compel the Liberals to intro-
duce PR legislation as a condi-
tion for their support.
Canada remains a far more
stable, open, tolerant and out-
ward-looking country than
America under Donald Trump or
Europe in an era of rising nati-
vism. Unemployment here is low,
the economy and population are
both growing. Most Western na-
tions would give anything for the
social stability Canadians enjoy.
But regional tensions are on
the rise. And now the genera-
tional divide threatens to es-
trange older Canadians from
younger.
Which party is more likely to
unite Canadians, and which to di-
vide? That’s something to keep
in mind when you vote.

PHOTOILLUSTRATION:BRYANGEE.SOURCEIMAGES:THECANADIANPRESS,REUTERS.

Canadaremains
afarmorestable,
open,tolerantand
outward-looking
countrythanAmerica
underDonaldTrumpor
Europeinaneraof
risingnativism....
Butregionaltensionsare
ontherise.Andnow
thegenerationaldivide
threatenstoestrange
olderCanadiansfrom
younger.

institutions. We established the
role of the auditor-general in
1880, and in 1920, we became the
first country to have a chief elec-
toral officer. We have established
faith in our Supreme Court, in the
freedom of our press to denounce
problems that they see, and in en-
suring a functioning Parliament
that has a loyal official opposi-
tion. And we have strengthened
democracy by making it easier for
its lifeblood – voter turnout – to
flow, having safely liberated the
vote through mail-in votes and
advance polls. These have mea-
surably improved turnout.
But it’s still up to individual
Canadians to understand what
you get by voting: a buy-in to the
results, a re-commitment to par-
ticipating in a broader society, a
progressive regime of rights and
freedoms, and at its core, the right
to self-actualize under optimal
conditions. In places such as Rus-
sia or China, where authority has
wide-ranging repressive powers
and is not accountable, people
are ultimately prevented from
freely achieving their full poten-
tial. These things are so much

more vital than a scrap of paper
might otherwise seem, and indi-
viduals must communicate them
just as much as they must use
them.
Through these core pillars, and
a free, fair and well-run process,
we’re able to achieve something
elemental: that our electoral
process and our democracy is le-
gitimate, and so is thegovern-
ment that results. It allows us to
consent and buy into whatever
happens, ensuring the fabric of
our country persists.
But things can easily tear away.
One way is through declining vot-
er turnout. After all, if you don’t
vote, you don’t fundamentally
understand that you’re part of a
society. You become a bit of a
leech: You get all the attractive
benefits of a democracy, but do
none of the work required to
maintain the institutions that
support them. Right now, we sim-
ply have too many people not vot-
ing. (In the 2015 federal election,
voter turnout was 68.3 per cent.)
We also slip if we see our repre-
sentation become limited. I was a
lowly Treasury Board secretariat

during Lester B. Pearson’s time as
prime minister, and he would
struggle with ministers suddenly
announcing bills without his of-
fice’s foreknowledge. So when
Pierre Elliott Trudeau succeeded
him as PM, he took aim at the dis-
cord, ensuring everything ran
through his office so he knew
what was going on. This was born
from noble intentions. But those
who gain power are not eager to
voluntarily give it up, nor do they
tend to resist the temptation to
acquire more. It was one small
step from knowing what’s going
on to controlling what’s going on,
and ever since, federal MPs and
their provincial counterparts
have been defanged across party
lines, told to toe the leaders’ line
or risk not having their nomina-
tion papers signed in the next
election, or not being picked for a
salary-bumping promotion.
These local representatives wind
up parroting talking points in-
stead of considering the best in-
terests of the Canadians who vot-
ed for them. Our MPs must be em-
powered again.
Technology and social media

have also made it easier for for-
eign countries to interfere with
our elections – an issue since time
immemorial. But if social-media
companies insist on disrupting or
circumventing laws that are on
the books, we cannot allow them
to run roughshod. These compa-
nies must be subject to the law, no
matter the pain. Corporations ex-
ist to serve our purposes, not the
other way around; we invented
them and they cannot invent us.
Unaddressed, these three is-
sues threaten our democracy and
make it easier to forget how
quickly it can fall apart. They can
make us forget that, fundamen-
tally, democracy must be based in
the reasonableness of people.
I remember that, when Elec-
tions Canada would return to a
country to assist with an election,
even staffers in Foreign Affairs
would wonder why that was nec-
essary. Didn’t we already provide
democracy?
The answer lies in what the
woman I met in Hungary knew in
her bones: Democracy requires a
few generations to take root, so
that the supporting pillars can be-

come sturdy and turn a golden
idea into a standing temple. Trag-
ically, Hungary didn’t get the time
it needed. Viktor Orban – a promi-
nent pro-democracy advocate
from that 1989 revolution – has
been Prime Minister for nearlya
decade, and has turned the coun-
try toward authoritarianism us-
ing propagandist state-run out-
lets, legislation that undermines
opposition parties, and attacks
on the rule of law. In 2018, the Or-
ban government overturned
Hungary’s Supreme Court so it
could get the judgments it want-
ed. The tanks may not be rolling
in, but brick-by-brick, the institu-
tions supporting Hungary’s once-
optimistic democracy have crum-
bled.
Even well-mortared brick can
succumb to attacks, especially
when we remember that a full
right to vote is less than a century
old here. So when you vote on
Oct. 21, remind yourself – and oth-
ers – that every trip to the ballot
box is a necessary repair to the
walls we have in place, and a pow-
erful testament to what we’re de-
fending.

INCANADA,WERISKITALLWHENWEFORGETTHAT


stitutions.Butinthefaceofforeignthreatsanddigitaldisruption,weneedtounderstandthatwecanstillloseitall

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