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38 Asia The EconomistOctober 26th 2019


I


t vieswithSydneyOperaHouseasthe
mostfamoussymbolofAustralia.Yet
totheoriginalinhabitantsofthesur-
roundingareait isnotjustbeautiful,but
sacred,thesceneofholyrituals.Signs
erectedbytheAnangupeopleatthebase
ofUlurudeclare,“Underourtraditional
law,climbingisnotpermitted.”Yet
climbingAyersRock,asmostother
Australiansknewthevastredmonolith
untilrecently,haslongbeena favoured
pastimeoftourists.Somelitter,defecate
orstripwhiletheyscrambleup.Fully 37
peoplehavediedtryingtoreachthe
summitinswelteringheat.TheAnangu
havehadenough:theyownthesiteand
fromOctober26thwillbanvisitorsfrom
ascending.It is“nota themeparklike
Disneyland”,reasonedSammyWilson,
oneofitstraditionalowners,whenthe
changewasannounced.
SomeAustralianscomplaintheyare
beingrobbedofa birthright.Pauline
Hanson,leaderofthepopulistOneNa-
tionparty,haslikenedthebantoa shut-
downofBondi,Sydney’smostfamous

beach.Sherecentlymadea pilgrimageto
climbtherock,butquicklybecamestuck
andwasforcedtoslidebackdownonher
backside.Shelateradmittedshecould
“seethesenseinbanning”theclimb“due
tosafetyreasons”.ThosewhoviewUluru
asa spiritualplacesmiled.“You’vegotto
askwhyit wasthatshecouldn’tgetup
there,”saysTomCalma,theco-chairof
ReconciliationAustralia,a charity.
Other,moresure-footedAustralians
havebeenflockingtoUluruinrecord
numberstoclimbit whiletheycan.Some
assertthattherockisa nationalicon
whichbelongstoeveryone.Onecam-
paignerappealedtotheHumanRights
Commission,anofficialbodythatin-
vestigatesracismandotherabuses,
arguingthattherulediscriminated
against“millions”ofAustralians.It
dismissedthecomplaint.
TosomeAboriginals,therushto
climbsayssomethingaboutthedifficul-
tiestheirpeopleface.It is“emblematic”
ofthe“wilfuldisregardofthewishesof
traditionalowners”,arguesMickGooda,
a formermemberoftheHumanRights
Commission.It is“baffling”,“disre-
spectful”and“posesa questionabout
whatthepeoplemakingthisclimbthink
aboutAboriginalculture,”saysLinda
Burney,theshadowministerforindige-
nousAustralians.“We’dbeupinarms”if
touristsstartedscalinga cathedral,notes
AndrewPeters,anindigenousacademic
atSwinburneUniversity.
Butsomeareinclinedtoseethe
changeasanoccasionforhope.The
Ananguresolvedtobantheascentonly
aftertheshareoftouristschoosingto
makeit despitethediscouragingsigns
hadfallenbelow20%,fromover75%in
the1990s.Yearsofeducatingvisitors
aboutAboriginalculturearebearing
fruit,MrCalmaargues.“Whitefella
governmenthasbeenactingina waythat
breachesourlaws,”MrWilsonsays.It isa
signofchange,MrCalmasays,thatone
suchbreachiscomingtoanend.

Theseeing-redcentre


Aboriginalrights

SYDNEY
Australiansbridleata banonclimbingtheircountry’smostfamousrock

Thequeuetooffend

F


or six yearsthey have been bitter ri-
vals. Joko Widodo, a former business-
man and mayor popularly known as Jo-
kowi, first defeated Prabowo Subianto, a
former general, in a fiercely contested
presidential election in 2014. Six months
ago, in April, the incumbent Jokowi redou-
bled the humiliation, besting Mr Prabowo
in a re-match election. Just as in 2014, the
vanquished general refused to concede de-
feat, claiming Jokowi had cheated. His en-
raged supporters rioted in Jakarta in May.
Nine people died. But over the ensuing
months Mr Prabowo and Jokowi publicly
reconciled with each other, in several care-
fully orchestrated meetings involving sel-
fies. On October 23rd it became clear why
Mr Prabowo, at least, was smiling. Jokowi,
who had been sworn in for his second term
days before, appointed his former foe min-
ister of defence in his new cabinet.
The reasons for Jokowi’s Cheshire-cat
grins were less obvious. Mr Prabowo’s ap-
pointment is “part of a long tradition in In-
donesian politics and society to integrate
rather than marginalise one’s opponents,”
says Stephen Sherlock of the University of
New South Wales in Australia. When Jo-
kowi’s predecessors assembled their “rain-
bow cabinets”, they included representa-
tives from as many different political
parties as they could manage. Any qualms
political opponents may have about puta-
tive ideological differences are firmly
quashed by the potential for patronage or
self-enrichment a seat in the cabinet af-
fords. Presidents, meanwhile, hope that by
welcoming their erstwhile foes into the
fold they will secure the loyalty of their par-
ties in the legislature. “Jokowi is aiming to
neutralise Mr Prabowo’s party, Gerindra,
and prevent it from being a centre of oppo-
sition in the parliament and possibly on
the streets,” says Mr Sherlock. Another
member of Gerindra has been made minis-
ter of fisheries and marine affairs.
Will Jokowi’s keep-your-friends-close-
and-your-enemies-closer strategy work?
Aaron Connelly, a research fellow at the In-
ternational Institute for Strategic Studies
in Singapore, is not convinced: “A moun-
tain cannot have two tigers.” Jokowi doubt-
less hopes that Mr Prabowo will be reluc-
tant to criticise a government of which he
is a member, and will come to seem of no
greater stature than the other cabinet min-
isters. Mr Connelly doubts he will take
fright: “Mr Prabowo is a singular figure in

Indonesian politics.” Anyway, ministers
often publicly contradict the president.
Even so, some politicians have ex-
pressed concern about the health of the op-
position without Gerindra. The only big
party left outside the government will be
an Islamist outfit, the Prosperous Justice
Party, with less than a tenth of the seats in
parliament. When Mr Prabowo had first
announced that he was in talks with Jo-

kowi, Johnny Plate, secretary-general of
NasDem, a party allied with Jokowi, an-
nounced his intention to switch sides for
the sake of democracy: “If there’s no one
criticising the government’s decisions,
what will become of this country?” The
next day, in an “unexpected turn of events”,
according to the Jakarta Post, four cabinet
posts were given to four NasDem politi-
cians, among them Mr Plate. 7

Why Jokowi has given his arch-rival a
seat in the cabinet

Indonesian politics

Governing


unopposed

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