18 FT.COM/MAGAZINEOCTOBER 19 /2 02019
Facingpage(clockwisefromtopleft):
protestersmarchandmakegestures
atthepolicelastmonth;15-year-old
studentMokeCheung;anestimated
twomillionpeoplemarchedonJune
16 –oneofthelargestprotestsin
HongKong’shistory;NoraLam,who
directedLost in the Fumes,a film
abouttheactivistEdwardLeung◀ForunionpresidentKeithFong,Leungembod-
iestraditionalChinese virtuessuchas sacrificing
forthegreater good.“Thesense Iget is mostpeople
ouragesupportindependence butpeopleintheir
thirtiesandforties don’t. Thereare twooverwhelm-
ingemotionsamongourgeneration–helplessness
andthissense of ‘ifweburn, youburnwithus’,”
Fong tellsme.In2 017 ,justover10per centof Hong
Kongerssupportedindependence,accordingto
asurveyconductedbytheChinese Universityof
HongKong.Academicsestimatethis number would
behigherifanotherpollwereconductednow.
Athighschool, Fong’s historyteacherstold
himabouttheTiananmenSquaremassacreand
as troops massedonthemainlandborderof Hong
Kongthissummer,itwas impossiblenotto draw
parallelsbetweenthenandnow.“A ll thevirtue
andhistoryembodiedintraditionalChinese
culturehas beendestroyedbytheChinese Com-
munistparty,” hesays withashrug.Hehasbeen
arrestedtwice,includingforpossessionof offen-
sive weaponsin Augustafterhepurchased10laser
pens,popularamongprotesterswhousethemto
disorientpoliceanddeterpassers-byfromtaking
photographsthat might identify protesters.O
nOctober 1, asBeijingstagedits
grandestevermilitaryparade
to markthe70thanniversaryof
CommunistChina,Wuandhis
newlyformedteamof 20 front-
linersbattledpoliceincentral
HongKong.Ahelicoptercircledoverhead.Tear gas
filledthe air. Havinglosthis teammatesinthe chaos,
Wuhidbehindaconcreteblockbyaconstruction
site.Suddenly,anofficerracedtowardshim,
smashingabatononto theleftsideof hisframe.“A t
that moment,Ithoughtto myself‘this is it,thisis
thedayIamarrested’,” he recounts,afewdays later.
Instead,hemanagedtohoisthimselfoutof
danger,rollingfourtimesbeforedragginghis
achingbodyaway. Theprotesterbehindhimwas
arrested. Afewblocksfurtheron,Wuhuddled
insideachurch,aspaceofflimitsto policewith-
outwarrants.Otherprotesters,dashingthrougha
middle-classneighbourhood,wereamazedwhen
residentsopenedtheirgrilledgates, ushering them
inside.Aftertheychangedout of theirblackoutfits,
middle-agedlocalsofferedto stashtheirgearand
ventureout firstto makesurethe coastwasclear.
Suchshowsof solidarityhave recurred through-
outthemovement.Impromptucrowdfunding
campaignshave sprungupwheneveractivistssee
aneed,withabout$15mworthof donationsraised
sofar.Afteroneweekendof violencein August,
peopledonated$1min anhourto takeout adver-
tisementspromotingtheprotesters’ causein
international newspapers.Aseparatefundhelps
withlegalfees andmedicalbills.
NeverinHongKong’s historyhasaprotest
movementenjoyedsuchwidespreadsupport from
differentsocialidentities andprofessionalgroups.
Popularmottosinclude“Don’t distanceyourself,
don’t snitch”and“Togetherweclimbthemoun-
tain,eachinourownway”, conveyingsolidarity
betweenradicalfront-lineprotestersandmod-
erate,peacefulones. Themovementis largely
leaderless bydesign,afterseveral Umbrellalead-
ersweresentencedtoprison.Fearfulof China’s
rapidlyexpandingsurveillancestate,demonstra-
torsmostlymobiliseanonymouslyonline.Doctors,
nurses,accountants,lawyers,familymembersofpolice, teachersandcivil servantshaveall protested
againstthegovernment.
Thousands of high-schoolershavealsoorganised
sinceschool resumedinSeptember,beltingout
“Gloryto HongKong”overthenationalanthem
duringschoolassemblies, boycottingclassand
organisinghumanchains.AtaSaturdayrally
arrangedbyandforstudents, protest songs ripple
throughthehumidityasstudentswheel outLady
Liberty,ahulkingstatuewithaschool backpack
wavingaflagthatreads“LiberateHongKong!
Revolutionof OurTimes!”
ForMokeCheung,15, it hasbeenabusyfew
months.Not onlydid hehelporganisetherally
buthealsohelpedcrafttheelectionstrategies of
pro-democracycandidatesinupcomingdistrict
elections.“I’mnot reallypsychologicallytired butI
amphysicallytiredbecauseI’mnotgettingenough
sleep,” hesays.His gruellingschedulestartswith
gettingreadyfor school at 6amandendsat 2am,
afterhewatcheslivefeedsof thenightly protests
andholdsmeetingsonTelegramto preparefor the
next ones. Hewasoneof 120studentsathis school
whoparticipatedinaclass boycottuntil histeacher
calledhisfatherwho,vehementlyopposedtothe
pro-democracy movement,forcedhimto returnto
class. “I try tostayatschool until 6pmor hidein
mybedroomto study, play computer games or sleep
justso Idon’t have to talkto mydad,”heexplains.
Asthemovementevolves, so toohas Cheung’s
attitudetowardsEdwardLeung,theimprisoned
independence advocatewhoseviolentactionshe
didn’t initially agree with or understand.“Thefirst
steponthe pathtowardsHongKongindependence
is havingmorelocalistlawmakers,” hesays,argu-
ingthatthedisqualificationof electedlawmakers
with localist viewswasoneof thecrucialcatalystsfortheunrest. “Itfeelslikenoonecantrulyrepre-
sentyoungpeople’s viewsnow.
“Whenthetimeis rightto fightforindepend-
ence, weshouldgo forit,but noonehaspersuaded
methatindependenceis practicalorworkable
rightnow,”hesays.“It is muchmoreimportant
HongKongbecomesademocracythanChina
becomesademocracy.”
Thisattitude,commonamongmanyyoung
peopleintheterritory,worriesPunNgai,49,a
professorat theUniversityofHongKong.Three
decadesago,she wasone of about 30 studentsfrom
HongKongwhotravelledtoBeijinginsolidarity
withmainlandChinese studentsandwasat Tian-
anmenSquareduringthecrackdown.Whenthe
colonialgovernment sentaplanetotakeall itsstu-
dentshome, sherefusedtoboard. Instead,sheand
somefriendsspentmonthstravellingbackhome
overland,hosted bysympathetic Chinese.
“HowcanyouchangeHongKongwithout
changingChina?Intermsoftheeconomy,political
influence,everythingisinterconnected,”shesays.
Atherrequest,her studentshave takenher to the
front-lineprotests.“Backin mydaywhenwewere
students,our sloganwas‘rootedinthe community,
facingChina,openingourselvestothe wholeworld’,”
sheexplains, in an office filledwithbooks onlabour
movements in Chinaandelsewhere. “Butnow, my
studentstellme,‘You’reout of dateProfessorPun,
gohome,it’snot safe foryoutocomeoutwith us,
youruntooslowly,”she chuckles.
Theprotestshaven’tjustdivideddifferent
generationsof activists. AsIreportedthisstory,
Igrewincreasinglyconversantinthestrategies
youngpeopleacrossHongKonghavedeployedto
tackleconflicts withtheirparentsabouttheprotests
in asociety whereitisn’t uncommonto live at home
until marriage.Screaming.Silence.Sharingheart-
warminganimalstickersin WhatsAppfamilychat
groupsinresponseto relativescallingprotesters
“cockroaches” andothernames.Fighting“bullshit
withbullshit”whenlogic doesn’twork. Movingout.Loomingoverthecurrentunrestisthequestion:
whathappensnext?ChinapromisedHongKong
ahighdegreeof autonomyuntil 204 7butfears
aregrowingthat the“onecountry,twosystems”
frameworkwillsoonbecome“onecountry,one
system”. “2047isametaphor.2047maywell
happenin 2025or2030,itcouldhappenthisyear
if the[Chinese military]marchedoverthe border,”
says SamsonYuen,apoliticalscientistatLingnan
University.AsChinese troops massontheborder,
it is possiblethatBeijingwill deployits armyonthe
streetsofHongKong.
More likely,theprotestswilleventuallysimmer
downbuttheunderlying discontentwillcontinue to
pileup,waitingforanotheropportunity to explode,
Yuenargues. “HongKonghasalonghistoryof
protests,witheachbiggerthantheprevious▶‘ITISMUCHMORE
IMPORTANT
HONGKONG
BECOMESA
DEMOCRACY
THANCHINA
BECOMES
ADEMOCRACY’
MokeCheung,schoolboy