The Washington Post - 19.09.2019

(Rick Simeone) #1

A24 EZ RE THE WASHINGTON POST.THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 19 , 2019


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BY WESLEY LOWERY

durham, n.c. — He’s been one
of academia’s leading authorities
on American racial inequity for
years, in high demand by Demo-
cratic presidential candidates
who hope he’ll endorse their
proposals to close the “racial
wealth gap” — a term that his
research helped popularize.
But as William “Sandy” Darity
shuffles through papers in his
second-floor office at Duke Uni-
versity, the gray-haired econo-
mist explained that he was hard
at work on his own proposal, one
that could be the most sweeping
of his career — a concrete plan
for paying monetary reparations
to the descendants of slaves.
Darity has enlisted a dozen
black academics and activists,
the self-titled Planning Commit-
tee for Reparations, to craft a
report that will lay out not only a
rationale for why descendants of
slaves should be paid reparations
but also suggestions for how to
implement such a program.
The effort aims to seize on a
national conversation around
reparations, one that has for
decades been relegated to the
fringes of black activist circles
but has gained significant main-
stream attention in the past five
years and been propelled by the
Democratic presidential primary
contest.
“There’s a climate in which
there is a wing of the Democratic
Party, in particular, where folks
are really talking about transfor-
mative policies,” Darity said in a
recent interview. “This is the
most extensive national conver-
sation about reparations since
Reconstruction.”
While polls show a majority of
Americans oppose paying mon-
etary reparations to the descen-
dants of slaves, support for such
measures has doubled since the
early 2000s. A 2002 Gallup poll
found just 14 percent of Ameri-
cans support cash reparations for
slavery. When Gallup polled
again earlier this year, support
had jumped to 29 percent.
Even with an increasing num-
ber of people open to the concept
of reparations, a crucial question
looms over the debate: Who
would be eligible to receive the
payouts?
Darity has long advocated that
reparations should be given to
people who prove they descend-
ed from a person enslaved in the
United States — increasingly pos-
sible, he notes, because of online
ancestry databases — and show
that they have identified as black
in public documents for at least
10 years. A program with such
parameters would exclude a
number of black Americans
whose ancestors were enslaved
elsewhere, such as Jamaica, Haiti
or the Bahamas.
Darity’s core argument is that
black slaves were subject to a
form of sustained, race-based
discrimination unique in Ameri-
can history, robbing them of
individual agency, voting rights
and the ability to accumulate
wealth and education.
The lingering result, Darity
argues, is a stunning wealth gap
— a recent study that he co-au-
thored found median wealth in
greater Los Angeles was


$355,000 for white households
and just $4,000 for African
Americans — that drives other
racial disparities in areas such as
crime, education and health out-
comes.
Darity’s cohort includes histo-
rians and economists from Duke,
North Carolina Central Univer-
sity, Florida State University and
the University of Connecticut, as
well as Mary Frances Berry, a
former chairwoman on the U.S.
Commission on Civil Rights.
They plan to deliver their report
in early 2020 so if Congress
establishes a commission to
study reparations, the proposal
can provide a vital road map.

The ADOS movement
A key challenge, Darity and his
partners concede, will be con-
vincing the public that repara-
tions are achievable.
“We need to overcome this
perception that reparations is
sort of a pie-in-the-sky concept,”
said Trevon Logan, an economic
historian at Ohio State Univer-
sity who is working with Darity.
“This is not a new item on the
agenda. African Americans, from
immediately after emancipation,
were seeking to find ways to close
the racial wealth inequality,” Lo-
gan said. “Early black politicians
were interested in using tax pol-
icy to try to redistribute wealth
and to increase landownership
among former slaves.”
When he was in the House,
John Conyers Jr. (D-Mich.) pro-
posed a congressional study into
the feasibility of reparations —
H.R. 40 — during e very session of
Congress from 1 989 through


  1. That push was modeled
    largely on the successful efforts
    that, in 1988, secured an official
    apology and monetary repara-
    tions for Japanese Americans
    held in internment camps during
    World War II.
    “The descendants of slaves
    certainly deserve the same con-
    siderations,” said JoAnn Watson,
    a former Conyers aide who later
    spent a decade as a Detroit city
    councilwoman. “The time for
    reparations has come.”
    Darity’s efforts will probably
    be both furthered and complicat-
    ed by his public association with
    a small but outspoken online
    movement called American De-
    scendants of Slavery, or ADOS,
    which draws a stark distinction
    between the lineage of slave
    descendants and that of Ameri-
    can-born descendants of black
    immigrants.
    The group, like Darity, advo-
    cates that reparations be strictly
    reserved for those who can trace
    their lineage to enslaved people
    held in the United States, exclud-
    ing the children of more-recent
    African and Caribbean immi-
    grants who have also been sub-
    ject to race-based discrimina-
    tion. More divisively, the group
    and its leaders also have aggres-


sively argued that current immi-
gration levels present a threat to
the livelihood of black Ameri-
cans.
That framing has rankled
many black activists — some of
whom have documented being
harassed online by ADOS sup-
porters — who have long a dopted
a more Pan-African ideology and
see any effort to delineate among
various groups of black Ameri-
cans as having the potential to
fuel xenophobia. In interviews,
half a dozen activists and aca-
demics praised Darity’s work but
found themselves perplexed by
his willingness to associate with
ADOS.
“It’s extremely difficult to sep-
arate classes of black people,”
said Nkechi Ta ifa, a D.C.-based
activist who has advocated for
reparations for more than three
decades. “The idea that unless
you can actually trace your fam-
ily directly to a slave that you
haven’t b een subject to the legacy
of slavery is a bunch of hogwash.”
Still, Ta ifa said she is encour-
aged by how mainstream the
discussion of slavery’s lasting
effects has become.
“When we were doing this
work decades ago, we knew we
were planting seeds,” she said. “I

never imagined I’d be able to sit
under the shade of the trees from
the seeds that I was planting.”
Darity, who has in the past
defended ADOS from charges of
nativism, says he does not agree
with some of its most vitriolic
messaging, but he credits ADOS
with helping raise the profile of
the push for reparations.
In defending his rationale for
limited eligibility for repara-
tions, Darity notes that the ma-
jority of black immigrants came
after the civil rights period in the
1960s. While it is clear that more
recently arrived black Americans
have faced discrimination — and
in many cases have ancestors
who were enslaved — Darity said
he finds it hard to argue that
those who immigrated voluntari-
ly deserve the same reparations
as the descendants of those
brought to the United States in
chains.
“If you told me that the only
way that I could have a repara-
tions program is that if I gave it to
more people, then I’d say okay,”
Darity said with a laugh. “But I’m
trying to think about how we
craft a case that is specific to the
United States government as the
perpetrator, and I think it be-
comes very difficult to argue that
the United States government
should pay reparations to people
who have chosen to come here.”
Past e fforts to advocate repara-
tions have similarly centered on
the experience of descendants of
American slaves, said Ashley D.
Farmer, a history professor at the
University of Te xas at Austin who
has studied black-nationalist
groups.

“I’m not sure that the folks
that I’ve studied were particular-
ly well versed in slavery outside
of the American context,” said
Farmer, who is not affiliated with
Darity's efforts. “It’s an interest-
ing blind spot.”

A shift on the left
The current iteration of the
reparations debate was kick-
started nationally in 2014 when
the Atlantic magazine published
Ta -Nehisi Coates’s “The Case for
Reparations.”
As w ith most issues of race and
justice, public opinion is divided
along racial and partisan lines. A
significant majority of black
Americans polled (73 percent)
and a plurality of Democrats
(49 percent) told Gallup pollsters
earlier this year that they support
cash reparations. The same poll
found that the vast majority of
white Americans (81 percent)
and Republicans (92 percent)
oppose cash reparations.
Former president Barack
Obama, the nation’s first black
president but not a descendant of
slaves, has long declined to di-
rectly answer whether he would
support a reparations program,
instead focusing on its lack of
political feasibility.
“You can make a theoretical,
abstract argument in favor of
something like reparations. And
maybe I’m just not being suffi-
ciently optimistic or imaginative
enough,” Obama told Coates in
an interview in 2016, “... but I’m
not so optimistic as to think that
you would ever be able to garner
a majority of an American Con-
gress that would make those
kinds of investments.”
Some prominent Democrats,
including House Speaker Nancy
Pelosi (D-Calif.) and Rep. Alexan-
dria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), pub-
licly support the resolution to
launch a formal study of how
reparations could work. And at
least four Democratic presiden-
tial primary candidates — Sen.
Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), Sen.
Kamala D. Harris (D-Calif.), for-
mer housing and urban develop-
ment secretary Julián Castro and
Marianne Williamson — have
expressed support for the con-
cept of paying reparations to the
descendants of slaves.
Republican officials, mean-
while, have largely dismissed the
concept. In June, on the same day
the House Judiciary Committee
was set to hold a hearing on the
topic, Senate Majority Leader
Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) an-
nounced his opposition.
“I don’t think reparations for
something that happened 150
years ago, for which none of us
living are responsible, is a good
idea,” s aid McConnell, whose an-
cestors owned slaves.
Darity and other reparations
supporters say that the current
political moment should encour-
age politicians to pursue policies
once considered impossible —
after all, a reality-television star
is president.
“Trump has made it clear that
positions that we have typically
considered to be extreme or out
of the boundaries no longer are,
on the right,” Darity said. “So why
not reconsider things on the
left?”
[email protected]

Which black Americans should get reparations?


A group of experts led by economist William ‘Sandy’ Darity is trying to define who is a ‘descendant of slavery’


JUSTIN COOK
William A. “Sandy” Darity, a professor of economics at Duke University, in June on the campus in Durham, N.C.

“This is the most extensive national


conversation about reparations


since Reconstruction.”
William “Sandy” Darity of the self-titled
Planning Committee for Reparations

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