46 OCTOBER 2019 THE ATLANTIC
As the white-collar workplace expanded in the
industrial era, women were shouldered out of it,
eroding female social power across the age range.
Older black women were a mainstay of early civil-
rights struggles, but the contributions of acti vists
such as Mary Church Terrell and Mary McLeod
Bethune were sidelined, the credit given to younger
men. And women’s return to the workforce during
World War II gave way to postwar pressure to depart
it, which delivered mixed results for older women.
In the 1960s and ’70s, important strides were made
thanks to female workers such as flight attendants,
who filed class-action lawsuits protesting rules that
obliged them to retire if they married or reached
age 35. Yet as women’s earning potential grew along
with their work span and sexual freedom, the more
senior among them faced newly corrosive pressures.
It may not be a coincidence that Wilson, Reuben,
and their ilk pushed the perils of “the menopause”
during this era. The centrality of sexual liberty to
the women’s movement arguably left second-wave
feminists more vulnerable to insecurity about their
bodies and looks. Susan Mattern proposes that the
very concept of a menopausal syndrome was the
invention of a culture that aimed to psychologi-
cally weaken women in a strong period of life—at
a historical moment when female power was rising.
“Dominant groups,” she observes, “can be very cre-
ative in inventing new ways of oppressing people.”
Yet I’m struck, reading these accounts, that Stan-
ton intuited what remains true today: Women have
a different life trajectory than men, and the place of
menopause in it is liberating in a way that’s worth
considering. To describe a passage of life, even a
painful one, can itself be a form of empowerment.
Men, too, feel loss and insecurity as they age, and
perhaps could use a map of sorts themselves. Cross-
ing the midlife point, many struggle to recalibrate
professional ambition (as Arthur Brooks’s article
in The Atlantic’s July issue revealed) and to build
stronger social and intimate ties. Online-dating
sites betray men’s own anxiety about physical
decline (“My friends say I look much younger than
60!”) and suggest that many men are perfectly will-
ing to date women across the age range. The sex
books are right: Men aren’t as picky about women’s
bodies as women fear. Men crave sex, but they also
crave conversation, a partner with confidence and
achievements. Even Simone de Beauvoir changed
her mind. In The Coming of Age, a book about the
expe rience of getting older, she wrote that she had
crossed a “frontier” and found peace. She had also
taken a younger lover. “It has been far less sombre,”
she reported, “than I had foreseen.”
Liza Mundy is the author, most recently, of Code
Girls: The Untold Story of the American Women
Code Breakers of World War II. She is a senior
fellow at New America.
epidemic or a crisis: Those fertile women could
repro duce quickly, but no woman could do so
forever, sparing the tribe the risk of over population.
With the advent of farming, menopause still served
an impor tant purpose. The most prosperous time
for a peasant family was postmenopausal, Mat-
tern argues, when older children could help and
the family no longer had new members to sup-
port. Nowadays, with fewer children and more
resources, she brightly adds, “women past meno-
pause, who historically used their energy surplus to
help their families survive, can now use it in other
ways.” While Steinke experienced menopause as
a shutting- down, Mattern sees it as an opening-up.
B
OTH VIEWS ARE TRUE, as the Ne w
York Times columnist Gail Collins shows in
No Stopping Us Now: The Adventures of Older
Women in American History, which spans the colo-
nial era to the present. Her takeaway is that older
women fare well when circumstances permit them
to be productive: “If you’re important economically,
you’re important.” Providing allocare is well and
good, but “eras in which older women were able to
earn money or increase their family assets were eras
in which they were ... popular,” Collins writes drily.
Tracing their shifting status, she observes that
during the colonial period, women continued spin-
ning, weaving, and the like into old age. Physically,
of course, the stage could be hell—pelvic disorders,
childbirth damage, rotting teeth. Older enslaved
women were exiled and horribly neglected. Yet
often, the only thing worse than being a woman
was being a man: Male mortality was higher, and
widow hood could be a blessing—widows, at least
white ones, could own property (unlike married
women). Then, as the country became more pop-
ulated, men monopolized the jobs. Women had
less of an economic purpose, and they lost status.
Collins highlights the great age of social reform
in the mid-19th century as another period when
older women enjoyed prestige, though less be-
cause they had economic power than because they
wielded moral authority. Notably, they used that
authority to make the case for, among other things,
female clout well into later life. A standout among
women’s-rights advocates, Elizabeth Cady Stanton
argued that women could occupy different spheres
at different life stages, moving from narrow domes-
tic concerns to community- minded platforms.
Stanton, Collins writes, “believed that menopause
had redirected all her ‘vital forces’ from her repro-
ductive organs to her brain.” Vital she and Susan
B. Anthony certainly were as they barnstormed the
country, made speeches on tabletops, played cards
with soldiers. Their age allowed them to “have
adven tures.” At the same time, one observer wrote,
“stately Mrs. Stanton has secured much immunity
by a comfortable look of motherliness.”
BOOKS
THE SLOW MOON
CLIMBS: THE
SCIENCE, HISTORY,
AND MEANING OF
MENOPAUSE
SUSAN MATTERN
Princeton University Press
FLASH COUNT DIARY:
MENOPAUSE AND
THE VINDICATION OF
NATURAL LIFE
DARCEY STEINKE
FSG
NO STOPPING US NOW:
THE ADVENTURES
OF OLDER WOMEN IN
AMERICAN HISTORY
GAIL COLLINS
Little, Brown