182182 Chapter 5 | Civil Rights
Lawrence’s apartment. The Supreme Court ruled in a historic 6–3 decision that the due
process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment guarantees freedom of not only thought,
belief, and expression but also certain intimate conduct (including homosexual
relations). This reasoning is rooted in the substantive due process doctrine that
underlies constitutional protections for birth control, abortion, and decisions about
how to raise one’s children.
The decision overturned Bowers v. Hardwick, and the majority opinion had harsh
words for that decision, saying it “was not correct when it was decided, and it is not
correct today.” Five members of the majority signed on to the broad “due process”
reasoning of the decision, rather than the narrower reasoning in Justice O’Connor’s
concurring opinion, in which she said that the decision should apply only to the
four states that treated gays differently (that is, banning sodomy for homosexuals
but not for heterosexuals). With the broader due process logic, a total of 13 state
laws that banned sodomy were struck down. Justice Scalia wrote a strong dissent,
saying that the decision was “the product of a court that has largely signed on to the
so-called homosexual agenda” and warned that the ruling “will have far-reaching
implications beyond this case.” He predicted that the ruling would serve as the basis for
constitutional protections for same-sex marriage.^88
The Supreme Court issued two important rulings on same-sex marriage in 2013.
The first case was a narrow ruling that reinstated same-sex marriage in California
but did not affect any other state. The second case was a more far-reaching decision
that struck down part of the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) as a violation of the
Fifth Amendment’s due process clause. The majority opinion said that the federal
government cannot deny benefits to same-sex couples who are legally married under
state law. The gradual movement toward endorsing same-sex marriage culminated in
2015 in the landmark ruling Obergefell v. Hodges, which legalized same-sex marriage in
all 50 states.^89 (For more on the Supreme Court’s ruling in this case, see How It Works:
The Court System in Chapter 14.) The 5–4 ruling said that the fundamental right to
marry is guaranteed by both the due process clause and the equal protection clause of
the Fourteenth Amendment.
This section demonstrates that the courts can be both a strong advocate of and an
impediment to civil rights. In general, however, the courts have a limited independent
impact on policy. That is, as the school desegregation cases clearly demonstrate, the
courts must rely on the other branches of government to carry out their decisions.
Congress
Congress has provided the basis for today’s protection of civil rights through a series of
laws that were enacted starting in the 1960s. Applying to racial and ethnic minorities
and to women, these laws attempted to ensure that there is a “level playing field” of
equal opportunity.
Key Early Legislation The bedrock of equal protection that exists today stems
from landmark legislation passed by Congress in the 1960s—the 1964 Civil Rights
Act, the 1965 VR A, and the 1968 Fair Housing Act. President Kennedy was slow to
seek civil rights legislation for fear of alienating southern Democrats. The events in
Birmingham prompted him to act, but he was assassinated before the legislation was
passed. President Lyndon Johnson, a former segregationist, helped push through
the Civil Rights Act when he became president. The act barred discrimination in
employment based on race, sex, religion, or national origin; banned segregation in
public places; and established the EEOC as the enforcement agency for the legislation.
substantive due process
doctrine
One interpretation of the due process
clause of the Fourteenth Amendment;
in this view the Supreme Court has
the power to overturn laws that
infringe on individual liberties.
The Constitution promises
liberty to all within its
reach... [and] extend[s] to
certain personal choices central
to individual dignity and
autonomy, including intimate
choices that define personal
identity and beliefs.
—Supreme Court’s majority
opinion in Obergefell v. Hodges
DID YOU KNOW?
66.2%
of African Americans voted in 2012
compared with 64.1 percent of whites
(but African-American turnout was
slightly lower than whites’ turnout
in 2016).
Source: Pew Research Center
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