The New York Times - 12.09.2019

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P6 NY THE NEW YORK TIMES, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 2019


But Marilyn wasn’t concerned. She’d seen what


happened with President Trump, and she believed


that Williamson could cast a similar kind of spell.


In a modern campaign, unseriousness can be a


virtue. We are living in a time when two meme-literate


teenage boys are directing the campaign of Mike


Gravel, an 89-year-old former senator. They are the


political equivalent of children stacked in a trench


coat, angling to buy a ticket to the presidential race.


And they are riffing, really, on the example set by


Trump himself: that joke candidacies can be laced


with serious potential.


In Marilyn’s Bushwick apartment in August, we


spoke about the proximity she sees between


Williamson and Trump. “Both of them are talking to


people who don’t take politics very seriously,” she said.


These political cynics “think the whole system is cor-


rupt,” she added. “The only way they’re going to


engage is if it’s not going to take serious energy from


their souls.”


T


HERE’S A PERSISTENT MEMEformat known as


the expanding brain meme that depicts a human


brain growing in size and strength until it is so intellec-


tually powerful that mind lasers blast from its skull.


Somebody crafted a version of it (fig. 18)that perfectly


articulates Marilyn’s position: The most intellectually


evolved stance in the 2020 election — the laser-brain


one — is to support Williamson both ironically and


unironically. Perhaps the giddy feeling of memeing


could translate into the grass-roots energy necessary


to lift a guru to the White House. I mean, has anything


Joe Biden ever said supplied the natural high


produced by grafting Williamson’s face into a scene of


the Na’vi people of “Avatar”? All Marilyn knew is that


she had never been so excited about politics.


Within a month, she was juggling 20 meme pages


and managing online efforts across the chat service


Discord, the livestreaming platform Twitch, Facebook,


Twitter, Reddit and Instagram, plus a candy-colored


central hub, OrbGang.love. (fig. 19)She helped lever-


age the crystal ball emoji to inject Williamson’s ethe-


real vibe into the discourse, calling Williamson her


#OrbMom and the movement the #OrbGang (styled


after the #YangGang, for fans of Andrew Yang). Post-


ers on her pages often addressed their messages to


either “ironic supporters” or “unironic supporters,”


but increasingly that was a distinction without a differ-


ence. “Thanks to this group,” one supporter wrote on


Marianne Williamson’s Dank Meme Stash, “I would


now for real vote for Marianne Williamson.”


When the second debate came around, in July,


Marilyn attended a watch party in Manhattan. I


descended into a basement to find it stuffed with a


diverse array of her fellow travelers. There were


younger men in tank tops and older ones in suspend-


ers. One woman clutched Nancy Pelosi’s memoir and


another wore a fez. A guy in a Dallas Cowboys hat and


river sandals engaged me in a crossed-arm double


handshake and said, “We’ve closed the energy circle.”


We did not see much of Marianne Williamson that


night. Long shot candidates with more traditional


qualifications — John Delaney, Tim Ryan — crowded


out the margins of the televised debate. But the real


action was not happening on CNN. As Beto O’Rourke


droned on about his “administration” on TV, Marilyn


stared into her phone, its glow revealing her beatific


smile as she thumbed out tweets like “My spicy orb


mom there is no other but you .” A few incisive


political points (Williamson’s speech advocating repa-


rations) and aesthetic quirks (she dropped a “yadda,


yadda, yadda”) would be enough to sustain the #Orb-


Gang for weeks.


By the end of the evening, Williamson had become


the most-searched-for candidate on Google in every


state except Montana. When she walked off the stage,


a reporter asked her to rate her performance and she


replied, “I’ll tell you later when I see the memes.” Soon


she would share one on her Instagram: her face


Photoshopped into “Game of Thrones,” with


Williamson styled as Melisandre, a priestess who is


secretly very old and works blood magic in the service


of her god, the Lord of Light. (fig. 20)


The next morning, Marilyn texted me a link to a


Sarah Marilyn, right,
attended a debate
watch party for
Marianne Williamson.

Refreshments were
served.

Photograph by Calla
Kessler/The New York
Times

IN REALITY,Hillary Clinton is not a political force to be reckoned with. She
lost the presidency to Donald Trump, and she promises she won’t try for a
rematch. Instead she is performing color commentary from the sidelines
of this election. She’s posting “Mean Girls” GIFs. She’s advising against
nuking hurricanes. She’s tweeting at Lizzo.
But in the right-wing political imagination, Clinton looms over all the
figures of the left. Her effigy burns brightly across conservative sectors of
Facebook and Reddit. On the Facebook group Daily Trump Memes, she
appears as a skeletal demon (fig. 16)and Homer Simpson in drag. (fig. 17)
Her emails remain an urgent topic of discussion. Clinton may not be run-
ning against President Trump, but these groups operate as if he is still
running against her. Trump himself is still out on Twitter, relitigating the
election he won.
As influential as political fandoms can be, anti-fandoms — ones that
define themselves around their zeal for delegitimizing a celebrity, be she
Clinton or Taylor Swift — may be even more potent. (See also: the leftist
mantra that “Kamala Harris is a cop,” and the right-wing repetition of
“creepy Joe Biden.”) After all of the work that went into mounting an anti-
fandom around Clinton — one with familiar story lines, insults and visual
motifs — it’s more effective to keep investing in her demonization than it is
to start fresh with a real Democratic candidate. A vote for Trump is still a
vote against Clinton, whether she’s running or not.

CASE STUDY


In some corners of the internet, she’s still running.

HILLARY


CLINTON’S


ZOMBIE


CANDIDACY


fig. 16 fig. 17 fig. 18 fig. 19

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