172 ChaPter^4
women, the poor, and children better. But liberalism, as noted, was rooted
firmly within Capitalism and private ownership within the economy. It was
not some type of state takeover of business as envisioned by the Left or an
authoritarian state as constructed in Fascism. Liberals did not try to change
the system, but in fact address its problems to make it strong again, to put
companies back in business and workers back on the job. They were not
radicals, they were not revolutionaries, they were not Socialists or Communists,
they were not anarchists, they were not advocates of some foreign idea of
government, they did not seek to turn over power and wealth to workers and
farmers, they did not want to take from the rich and give to the poor, they
were not suggesting that the government take over businesses and agriculture,
they did not want to deprive Americans of their fundamental constitutional
liberties... they were liberals.
During the 1932 presidential campaign, Roosevelt and the liberals, know-
ing they had to do little to convince Americans to vote Hoover out, did not
offer many specific ideas about dealing with the depression. FDR promised,
however, a “New Deal for the American people” and even that contained few
concrete proposals. Still, that phrase—New Deal—would become FDR’s polit-
ical program and constitute his historical legacy. During the campaign, the
only two pledges he made were to end prohibition and balance the budget,
relatively easy promises and widely supported. But Roosevelt’s strength did
not come out of his policies or ideas for governance but because of what
Barack Obama in 2008 would essentially take from FDR—a promise of hope
and change. Roosevelt’s rhetoric, his sympathy toward those who had suf-
fered, and his wife’s activism on issues of importance to the unemployed, the
destitute, women, children and others who were suffering from the depression
all appealed to the American people. He was already wildly more popular than
Hoover, even though he had not done anything yet. Roosevelt calmed the
nation’s anxiety by assuring Americans that he was prepared to act. “The
country needs, and unless I mistake its temper the country demands bold
persistent experimentation,” he told the country. “It is common sense to take
a method and try it: If it fails, admit it frankly and try another. But above all,
try something. The millions who are in want will not stand by silently for-
ever while the things to satisfy their needs are within easy reach.” In speaking
so, FDR was, as he frequently put it, being America’s “quarterback”—he’d call
a play and if it did not work, he would change strategy and try something
different, and keep adapting until something worked.