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and “living room quarterback.”
Most of these faded away,
however, when the NFL began
making inroads with the advent
of television in the 1950s. “Mon-
day morning quarterbacks” won
out, though “armchair quarter-
backs” also remained popular, in
the same family as “armchair
critics” and “armchair warriors.”
While the hypercritical yet in-
experienced “Monday morning
quarterback” has spread as a
put-down to other fields like the
military and politics, among
football commentators the label
has been embraced with a whiff
of self-deprecation. In 1997, Pe-
ter King started an online col-
umn for Sports Illustrated called
“Monday Morning Quarterback,”
which eventually transformed
into the magazine’s NFL-cen-
tered webpage, dubbed “The
MMQB” for short. (Last year,
Mr. King moved on to NBC
Sports, where he re-christened
his column “Football Morning in
America.”)
In the age of social media,
however, the idea of waiting un-
til Monday morning to analyze
Sunday’s games feels anachro-
nistic. Mr. Reitan suggests a
more instantaneous idiom: “the
Twitterback.” JAMES YANG

ILLUSTRATION BY GLUEKIT; PHOTOS: IMAGINECHINA/ASSOCIATED PRESS, GETTY IMAGES (2), EVERETT COLLECTION


T


en years ago, I joined a U.S. trade delegation
for the chance to visit, as a journalist, a remote
part of China that borders both North Korea
and Russia. As we traveled around, local Chi-
nese greeters proudly pointed out the con-
trasting vistas: rugged empty hills in North Korea and iso-
lated clusters of Soviet-era buildings in Russia, whereas in
China, commerce and construction abounded between
booming border towns. In one such town, Hunchun, popula-
tion 250,000, regional officials asked me if I planned to
write anything. Perhaps something cultural, I suggested. I
hoped for a window onto Chinese life in this far-flung zone.
The next night, they laid on a manifestly ready-made,
two-hour pageant of old Manchu ethnographic music and
dance, with fluttering feather fans and colorful costumes.
I explained to my conscientious hosts that I had hoped for
something more contemporary—perhaps portraying cur-
rent life on the frontier, something about real people and
ideas. My request engendered a lot of brow-furrowing dis-
comfort. I had asked for the one thing that their country’s
authoritarian system has found it almost impossible to de-
liver at any level: a vibrant popular culture.
China has become globally competitive in many fields
with blinding speed, from the economy and military to
science, medicine, sports and even in cultural areas such
as cuisine, classical music and contemporary art. But it
can’t seem to compete with the West in crucial main-
stream genres such as movies, popular music, fashion,
novels and the like. I say “crucial” because, without uni-
versalizing its culture at a popular level, China cannot ul-
timately sell a lifestyle for the world to emulate, a set of
aspirations that people elsewhere might embrace. Nor can
it make its engagement with other cultures more palat-
able, less like an intrusion by outsiders.
The country’s elites are focused on how China can im-
prove its image and cultural influence abroad, enhancing
its soft power and mitigating to some degree negative po-
litical news like the recent events in Hong Kong. At a 2014
party summit, Xi Jinping famously announced, “We
should increase China’s soft power, give a good Chinese
narrative and better communicate China’s messages to the
world.” And there’s the rub. Arguably, Mr. Xi’s approach
guarantees its own failure by assuming that cultural influ-
ence is something that can be instituted by directive, like
a Stalin-era five-year plan.
“The West was able to eclipse its darker history abroad
with its popular culture—a process that Chinese leaders
studied very deliberately in recent years,” says Jing Tsu,

BYMELIKKAYLAN

WORD ON
THE STREET

BEN
ZIMMER

An Expert


In the


Second-


Guessing


Game


THE NATIONAL FOOTBALL
League kicked off its 100th sea-
son on Thursday, beginning
months of celebrations com-
memorating the storied history
of professional football. While
the sport has evolved dramati-
cally over the decades, most
matchups are still played on

Sundays. And come Monday,
die-hard fans eagerly dissect ev-
ery play and on-field move.
For nearly the NFL’s entire
history there has been a name
for this sort of second-guesser: a
“Monday morning quarterback.”
Over the years, the phrase has

been extended to label anyone
who passes judgment on the ac-
tions of others with the benefit
of hindsight.
The position of “quarterback”
dates back to the British game of
rugby as played in the late 19th
century. It was then imported
into the rugby-like game that
Americans were developing at
Ivy League schools. Walter Camp
of Yale University enshrined the
position of quarterback as the
offensive play caller in rules
drafted for colleges in 1880.
It didn’t take long for a cer-
tain critical breed of fan to
emerge and question what
transpired on the field. In a
1927 column, New York Evening
Telegram sports editor Joe Wil-

liams recalled Percy Haughton,
head coach at Cornell, Harvard
and Columbia, observing that
“the stands surrounding the
football fields held several hun-
dred times as many quarter-
backs as ever got into uniform.”
Williams termed these fans

“grandstand quarterbacks.”
That same season, a colum-
nist for the Journal and Courier
of Lafayette, Ind., suggested an-
other name, observing that the
ranks of “Sunday morning quar-
terbacks” were swelling “with
every loss on the gridiron.” The

name made sense since college
football games were mostly
playedonSaturdays.Itevolved
into the “Monday morning” in-
carnation a few years later, but
still referred to fans of the col-
lege game; professional football
had not yet caught on beyond

the Midwest. Harvard quarter-
back Barry Wood used the ex-
pression in a widely reported
speech in 1931 where he faulted
“Monday morning quarterbacks”
in the stands with overinflating
the importance of the game.
Still more variations sprang
up in sports-
writing in the
1930s. Recently,
researcher Pe-
ter Reitan (who
blogs under the
name Peter
Jensen Brown) has documented
terms that reflected how games
were increasingly enjoyed on ra-
dio: “drugstore quarterback” (a
cousin of “drugstore cowboy”),
“armchair quarterback,” “easy
chair quarterback,” “radio quar-
terback,” “parlor quarterback”

[Monday Morning Quarterback]


a professor of modern Chinese studies at Yale University.
“But it’s not clear if they’re willing to risk it. That kind of
expression starts at home from the bottom up, and Chi-
nese history is full of cases where mass movements be-
come destabilizing.”
One could argue that Western influence became so
ubiquitous not just because of wealth and power but be-
cause of free expression among the populace, which al-
lowed the portrayal of characters with universal predica-
ments of the kind that leap cultural boundaries. The
absence of propagandistic intent made it more compelling
and authentic. Lives lived in freer conditions, depicted
with relative frankness, are simply more compelling, more
dramatically believable. A vibrant culture ultimately sells
itself. Even when the West was economically stagnant in
the 1970s, rock music conquered the world.
Ai Weiwei, the renowned dissident artist, says that
China “always had an elite culture, which never encour-
aged public involvement, just as you see in their politics.
In contrast, Hollywood and pop music are manifestations
of the middle class.” He argues that China’s one-party,
top-down approach means that it “will never export its
culture as a natural fruit of its society.”
“Natural” is a useful distinction here because West-
ern culture—especially American culture—celebrates
natural expression, being oneself, authentic feeling. That
ethos has set the tone for the world, but it is not a com-
fortable default mode for an authoritarian system. Cul-
tures dominated by central planning are inevitably un-
settled by mass entertainment whose DNA is furnished

Beijing is eager to exert cultural influence,
but only a free society, in open conversation
with itself, can create global aspirations.

China Has


A Soft-Power


Problem


by individualism and transparency.
China certainly has a vast entertain-
ment industry, albeit a constrained one
these days. Just 20 years ago, the coun-
try’s cinemas numbered in the hundreds;
today there are some 60,000—about
20,000 more than in the U.S. The top
box-office movie to date, 2017’s state-
funded blockbuster “Wolf Warrior 2,”
made $874 million domestically. Despite
being financed by the military, it is a
genuinely rip-roaring, nail-biting Chi-
nese Rambo story set in Africa—with an
American as the villain, of course.
When you have a domestic market
that size, with all the machinery and
talent in place, the foreign markets
should soon follow. But it hasn’t
worked out that way. The giant Dalian
Wanda Group built China’s biggest stu-
dios and looked set to create a domes-
tic industry to rival Hollywood while
also forming partnerships with Sony
and AMC cinemas stateside. It seemed
to be perfect positioning to export Chi-
nese soft power on a mass scale. But in
2017, Beijing called in Wanda’s loans
from state banks on suspicion that it
and other film companies had deliber-
ately overpaid for foreign properties as
a ruse to expatriate capital.
This year, authorities prevented
most Chinese movies from showing at
festivals abroad, because in 2018 at
Taiwan’s prestigious Golden Horse Film
Festival for Chinese-language produc-
tions, a documentary award winner ex-
tolled Taiwanese independence. Mainland luminaries in
attendance got texts ordering them to show no emotion,
avoid the parties and return home at once.
Though China allows a movie-star celebrity system to
exist with huge financial benefits, none of the talent live
flashy, extravagant public lives. Nose rings and tattoos
are frowned on. The state discourages the familiar re-
wards of stardom in the West, where fame and wealth
translate into more personal freedom and abundant op-
portunities to live large.
Who, continents away, is going to aspire to the life-
style of China’s quietly compliant celebrities? That’s espe-
cially true if the authorities can eclipse them at will, as
happened to Fan Bingbing, who was China’s top actress
until she disappeared last year for several months under
house arrest, accused of hiding her true income and fined
$70 million.
A cultural genre that the Chinese execute with great
success on the global stage is the grand music and dance
pageant. The productions are all about coordination, disci-
pline, unity and apolitical spectacle—perfectly capturing
China’s current national priorities. Jay Scheib, a successful
theater director whose rock opera “Bat Out of Hell” is cur-
rently running in New York, advised on a pageant in
Ningbo, China, with 50 cast members. He says that he
never heard artsy disputes over interpretation, truth-tell-
ing or artistic feeling: “They did exactly what you told
them but got expressive only over contract details.”
One definition of exporting real culture might be a
population talking fearlessly about itself to itself, and
letting others listen in. Clearly China is not
poised to take that route to soft power. But
maybe it doesn’t have to. Ai Weiwei believes that,
despite Beijing’s crackdown on investing in Holly-
wood, Chinese money will ultimately return. And
as he notes, “Every big Hollywood film’s ultimate
goal these days is to access China’s giant market.
So lots of [American] film studios are now alter-
ing their language and participating in self-cen-
sorship.”
Add to this influence the inroads that Beijing is
making into 5G and cellphone markets, and you
have a worrisome future where China’s soft power
resides not in creating its own exportable content but in
shaping ours—and in controlling the mediums by which
we convey culture to each other.

Mr. Kaylan, a journalist in New York, has written
about international politics and culture for The Wall
Street Journal, Newsweek and Forbes.

Lives lived
in freer
conditions
are simply
more
compelling.

REVIEW


Left to right: Ai Weiwei, Fan Bingbing
and ‘Wolf Warrior 2’ star Wu Jing,
pictured with a pageant in Beijing.

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