The Boston Globe - 07.09.2019

(Romina) #1

10
SEPTEMBER7, 2019


Obituaries

By Alan Cowell
NEWYORKTIMES
Robert Mugabe, the first
prime ministerand later presi-
dent of independent Zimba-
bwe, who traded the mantle of
liberator for the armor of aty-
rant andpresided over the de-
cline of one of Africa’s most
prosperous lands, diedFriday
in Singapore, where he had
been receiving medical care.He
was 95.
The death,at Gleneagles
Hospital, wasannouncedby his
successor,President Emmerson
Mnangagwa.
“It is with the utmost sad-
ness that I announcethe pass-
ing on of Zimbabwe’s founding
father and formerPresident,
Cde Robert Mugabe,” he wrote
on Twitter onFriday, using the
abbreviation for comrade.
“Mugabe wasan icon of libera-
tion, a pan-Africanist who dedi-
cated his life to the emancipa-
tion and empowerment of his
people.His contribution to the
history of our nation and conti-
nent will never be forgotten.”
In August, Mnangagwa had
said thatMr. Mugabe had spent
several months in Singapore
getting treatment foran undis-
closed illness.
Mr.Mugabe,theworld’sold-
est head ofstate before his o ust-
er in 2017,was the onlyleader
Zimbabweans had known since
independence, in 1980. Like
many who liberated their coun-
tries,Mr. Mugabe believed that
Zimbabwe was his togovern
until the end.In a s peech before
the AfricanUnion in 2016, he
said he would remainat the
helm “untilGod says, ‘Come.’”
Throughout, Mr. Mugabe re-
mained inscrutable, some
would say conflicted. Remote,
calculating, ascetic, and cere-
bral, a self-s tyled revolutionary
inspired by what he once called
“Marxist-Leninism-Mao-Tse-
tung thought,” he affected a
scholarly manner, besp ectacled


and haughty, a ve stige of his
early years as a schoolteacher.
But hishunger for power was
undiluted.
In an interview withstate-
run television on his 93rd birth-
day, in February 2017,Mr.
Mugabeindicatedthat he
would run again in presidential
elections in 2018.
“They want me tostand for
elections; they wantme to
stand for electionseverywhere
in the party,” he said.“The ma-
jority of thepeoplefeel that
there is no replacement, succes-
sor, who to them is acceptable,
as acceptable as I am.”
He added, “The people, you
know, would want to judgeev-
eryone elseon the basis ofPres-
identMugabe as the criteria.”
Events proved him wrong.
In November 2017, army offi-
cers, fearingthat Mr. Mugabe
would anointhis second wife,
GraceMugabe, ashis political
heir, moved against him. With-
in a dramatic few days he was

placed under house arrest and
forced by his political party,
ZANU-PF, tostep down.
The military insisted that
the ouster did not amount toa
coup, although it had all the
trappings of one, witharmored
vehicles patrolling the streets.
The officers took control of th e
state broadcaster to announce
their action.
Yet remarkably in a conti-
nent where deposedleaders of-
ten meet grisly fates or flee into
exile, Mr. Mugabe and hiswife
were allowed to remain in their
sumptuous 24-bedroom home
in Harare, Zimbabwe’s capital.
In his final years in power,
Mr. Mugabe presided over a
shattered economy and a frac-
tured political class that was
jockeying for influence inanti c-
ipation of his death. Although
often viewed in theWest as a
pariah, he was, in many corners
of Africa, cons ideredan elde r
statesman thanks to his libera-
tion pedigree, his longevity and

his eloquence in articulatinga
broad resentment ofWestern
powers’ past and present poli-
cies toward the continent.
If Nelson Mandela of South
Africa, his contemporar y, won
universal admiration for em-
phasizing reconciliation,Mr.
Mugabe tapped into an equally
powerful sentiment in Africa:
that theWest had not suffi-
cien tly atoned for its sins and
had continuedto bully the con-
tinent.
Mr. Mugabe had in his e arly
days belonged to ageneration
of African nationalistswhose
confrontation with white mi-
nority rule fomented guerrilla
warfare in the name of democ-
racy and freedom.
But once he won power in
Zimbabwe’s fir st free elections,
in 1980, after a seven-year war,
he turned, with a blend of guile
and brutality, to the elimination
of adversaries, real and imag-
ined.
He found them in many

places: among the minority
Ndebeleethnic group and the
clergy; inthe judiciary and the
independentnews media; in
the political opposition and
other corners of society pushing
for democrac y; and in the coun-
tryside, where white farmers
were chased off their land from
2000 onward.
Mr. Mugabe morphed into a
caricature ofdictatorship:vain
and capricious, encircled by the
flashy spending of his second
wife a nd other family members,
who lived in luxuryat hom e
and went on shopping sprees
and long annualvacations in
the Far Eas t. (That wife, the for-
mer GraceMarufu, had been
his secretary and mistress, and
Mr. Mugabe, despite astrict Ro-
man Catholic upbringing, fa-
theredtwo children with her
whilestill married to his fir st
wife, SallyHayfron.)
“His real obsession was not
with personal wealth butwith
power,” British writerMartin
Meredith observed in his book
“OurVotes, OurGuns: Robert
Mugabe and theTragedy of
Zimbabwe” (2002). As Mr.
Mugabe declared inJune 2008,
referring to the opposition
Movement for Democratic
Change: “OnlyGod, who ap-
pointed me, will removeme,
not theMDC, not the British.
OnlyGod will remove me!”

Robert GabrielMugabe was
born onFeb. 21, 1924, inKuta-
ma, northwest of Harare, inan
area set aside by the white au-
thorities for black peasants. Ed-
ucated by Catholic missionar-
ies, he was astudious, earnest
child who later recalled being
happy with solitude as he tend-
ed cattle, so long as he hada
book under his arm.
His father abandoned the
family when Robert was 10,
leaving him to deal witha mer-
curial andemotionally scarred
mother, according to “Dinner
WithMugabe” (2008), a biogra-
phy byHeidi Holland.
“The color bar sliced
throughevery domain of soci-
ety,” he said of his childhood.
His political thought, like
Mandel a’s, took shape in South
Africaat Fort Hare Academy,
which heattended on a scholar-
ship from 1950 to 1952, earn-
ing the first of astring of de-
grees in education, law, admin-
istr ation and economics.
“The impact of India’s inde-
pendence, andthe example of
Gandhi andNehru, hada deep
effect,” Mr. Mugabesaid in an
interview with The New York
Timesbefore Zimbabwe’s inde-
pendence.“Apartheid was be-
ginning to take shape.Marx-
ism-Leninism was in the air.”
“From then on I wanted to
be a politician,” he said.

Robert Mugabe, 95, first prime minister of Zimbabwe


WALDO SWIEGERS/BLOOMBERG/FILE
Robert Mugabe (above)at his residence inHarare, Zimbabwe, inJuly of 2018.Prime
MinisterMugabe visitedPresident Carterat the WhiteHouse in 1980.

BARRY THUMMA/AP/FILE

By Anita Gates
NEW YORKTIMES
CarolLynley, a for mer child
model who had an intense film
acting career mirroring the
country’s transformation from
the modest Eisenhower era into
the sexually frank 1960s, died
on Tuesdayat her home inLos
Angeles. She was 77.
The cause was a heartat-
tack,said Trent Dolan, a friend.
Ms. Lynley may be best re-
membered as the naïve, soft-
spoken adolescent who be-
comes pregnant by her equally
wide-eyedboyfriend, pl ayed by
Brandon De Wilde, in the 1959
film “Blue Denim.”It was a role
she had originated on Broad-
way the year before, when she
was 16.
Ms. Lynley madeat least a
half-dozenHollywood movies
over the next eight years, but by
the time she was in her mid-20s
her star had faded, and she was
never directly in the publiceye
again.
Still , she did makea notable
if brief comeback in 1972,
when she turned up wearing
hot pants and go-go boots in
the movie“The Poseidon Ad-
venture,” singing (orat least lip-
syncing) the Oscar-winning
song“The Morning After.” The
ensemble cast of the disaster
film also included Oscar win-
nersGene Hackman,Ernest
Borgnine, Jack Albertson, Shel-
ley Winters, andRed Buttons.
Her career may have been,
at least partly, a victim of unfor-
tunate marketing. In the late
1950s and early’60s, Holly-
wood’s publicity machine had
three blond teenage actresses to
promote.In a case ofextreme
image segmentation, Sandra
Dee was promoted as the pam-
pered rich girl,Tuesday Weld as
the bad girl andMs. Lynley as
the good girl —studious, sensi-
tive, wholesome, and just a bit
prim.
This worked well enough
with the characters she played
in her debut film, the Disney
drama“The Light in theForest”
(1958), set in pre-Revolution-
ary America; in “Blue Denim”;
and in “Hound-DogMan”
(1959), in which shestarred op-
posite the teenage idolFabian.
But beginning when she was
19, Ms. Lynley turned topor-
trayals of more knowing char-


acters, like the small-town au-
thor AllisonMacKenzie, who
has an affair with her publisher,
in “Return toPeyton Place”
(1961), a disappointing sequel.
That film was followed by a
sex comedy, “Under theYum
Yum Tree” (1963), withJack
Lemmon and DeanJones, and
by the drama“The Cardinal”
(1963), in which she played
bothTom Tryon’s wayward sis-
ter and her character’s daugh-
ter.
She was 23 when she posed
discreetly nude in Playboy mag-
azine andplayed the title role in
“Harlow” (1965), a biographi-
cal film about the 1930s screen
star and sex symbolJean Har-
low. (AnotherHarlow film, star-
ring Carroll Baker, was also re-
leased in1965. Neither did
well.)That same year, she won
positive reviews as a distraught
young mother in Otto Prem-
inger’s thriller “BunnyLake Is
Missing,” but neither critics nor
fans responded to her in the
same way as they had during
her teenage years.
From the 1970s onward, her
film career was winding down,
and Ms. Lynley worked mostly
in television, making guest ap-
pearances onvarious shows.
She was in the original televi-
sion film “FantasyIsland” and

in at least 10 episodes of these-
ries that it spawned, as well as
the television film that laterbe-
came theDarrenMcGavin se-
ries “Kolchak:The Night Stalk-
er.” She also appearedin a num-
ber of low-profile movies, some
of them of thestraight-to-video
variety.
She was born Carole Ann
Jones inNew York City onFeb.
13, 1942. A child of divorce, she
began modeling under the
name CarolynLee. When she
went into acting — appearing
on golden-age-of-television se-
ries like “GoodyearTelevision
Playhouse” and“The Alcoa
Hour” — that name already be-
longed to another member of
the Actors’ Equity union(as did
the name Carolyn Jones), so she
invented the sound-alike name
CarolLynley.
In April 1957 she appeared
on the cover of Life magazine,
identified as “CarolLynley, 15,
Busy Career Girl.” She was in-
deed busy, making her Broad-
way debut in Graham Greene’s
drama“The Potting Shed.”For
that role, asa dying man’s talk-
ative niece who reveals a family
secret, she received a Theate r
World Award, given annually
for an outstanding debutper-
formance.
Ms. Lynley returned to

Broadway once, in 1975, re-
placing Sandy Dennis in Alan
Ayckbourn’s comedy “Absurd
Person Singular.”
Her later projects included
“Vic” (2006), a 30-minute short
about an older actor, directed
by Sage Stallone, a son of Syl-
vester Stallone; and“A Light in
the Forest” (2002), in which she
playedthe grandmother ina
family-oriented fantasy.That
film hadno connection toMs.
Lynley’s first movie, which had
almostexactly the same title.
Ms. Lynley was married
from 1960 to 1964 toMichael
Selsman,a film industry publi-
cist, and they had a daughter,
Jill, who survives her. She also
had a long on-again, off-again
relationship with thetelevision
host DavidFrost.
In 2000, in an interview
with The SanFranciscoChroni-
cle, Ms. Lynleytal ked about
middle-aged actresses’ difficul-
ty in finding roles, butpredict-
ed a comeback forherself in old
age.
“I don’t mean to sound con-
ceited, but I am a very talented
actress, and I havemy head
screwed on right,” she said. “I’m
not going to drug clinics,I look
good, and I’vegot all my mar-
bles. So I really believe I’ll be
back.”

Carol Lynley, ‘Poseidon Adventure’ actress


20TH CENTURY FOX
CarolLynley (second from left) with other cast members of the 1972 disaster movie“The
Poseidon Adventure” Shelley Winters (left), Roddy McDowall, and Stella Stevens.

By Julie Turkewitz
NEWYORK TIMES
DawdaJawara, a veterinari-
an-turned-politician who led
Gambia to independence from
the British and thenpresided
over the country as it became
one of Africa’s longest-running
democracies, died Aug.27 at
his home inFajara, a coastal
suburb of Banjul, the capital.
He was 95.
Mr. Jawara waslong hailed
for promoting tolerance, hu-
man rights, andthe rule of law
at a time whensub-Saharan Af-
rica was dominated by authori-
tarianism andmilitary regimes.
He was president of his
smallWest Afri can nation until
1994, when, in a bloodless
coup, it fell into the hands of
Yahya Jammeh,a young officer
who embarked on a brutal 22-
year rule.
Some ofMr. Jawara’s success
came from the contacts he
made before he became a politi-
cian, when he traveled the
countryside vaccinating cattle
in his 30s, anexperience that
connected him with broad
swaths of hisnatio n.
“There’s not a cow in the
Gambia that doesn’t know me
personally,” he liked to say.
Mr. Jawara, a bespectacled
man of modest bearing, negoti-
ated independence in 1965,
part of a wave of liberation
movements that reshaped the
continent in the 1960s.He was
elected Gambia’s first president
in 1970.
His death comesat a partic-
ularlyraw time for Gambia.
Jammeh, his successor, recently
lost a presidential election and
fled the country. A new presi-
dent, Adama Barrow, was dem-
ocratically elected, and thena-
tion is in themidst of truth and
reconciliation hearings, which
have laid bare theatrocitiesof
Jammeh’s rule.Several ofJam-
meh’s lieutenants have recently
admitted to murdering suspect-
ed dissidents.
The investigations and dis-
closures have left many feeling
nostalgic forthe Jawara era and
deeplyaware of the vulnerabili-
ties ofGambia’s democracy.
Dawda KaibaraJawara was

born onMay 16, 1924, in Bara-
jally Tenda, a smalltown in the
Gambian interior, while the na-
tion was under British control.
His mother,Mama Fatty, was a
homemaker; his father, Almami
Jawara, a merchant.
Mr. Jawarastudied veteri-
nary medicineat the University
of Glasgow. On returning to
Gambia, he converted fromIs-
lam toChristianity, tookthe
nameDavid, and marrieda
Christian woman, AugustaMa-
honey.
He had worked as a veteri-
narian and was the country’s
chief veter inary officer when he
decidedto enter politics, having
grown convinced that Gambia
had to followin the footsteps of
neighboring countries, includ-
ing Ghana,Guinea, and Nige-
ria, and become independent.
“Gambia has no prestige
projects, no grandiose spending
projects, no political prisoners,
no army and no defense bud-
get,” The New York Times wrote
in 1977. “Its elections are per-
hapsthe c leanest on the conti-
nent: it has opposition parties
and a freepress, including sev-
eral mimeographed broadsides
that attack theGovernment in
roundhouse punches.”
Some inGambia, however,
wanted morerapid improve-
ment, and one ofMr. Jawara’s
greatest challenges came in
1981, when a young Marxist
namedKukoi Samba Sanyang
led anattemptedcoup. Without
a military, Mr. Jawara had to re-
ly onPresident Abdou Diouf of
neighboring Senegal tosend in
troops to push out the rebels.
The coup failed. Officials put
the Gambian death toll, in clud-
ing rebels and civilians,at 500;
some putit higher.
In 1994, soldiers led byJam-
meh, then a 29-year-old lieuten-
ant, stormed Banjul and took
over thegovernment. Mr.
Jawara escapedaboard aUS
Navy warship.He lived inexile
in London.
Mr. Jawara returned to
Gambia in 2002.Gambians vot-
ed Jammeh out in 2016, and
Mr. Jawara lived just long
enough to see his country re-
turn to democracy.

Dawda Jawara, 95,

helped create an

independent Gambia

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