The Washington Post - 22.08.2019

(Joyce) #1

THURSDAY, AUGUST 22 , 2019. THE WASHINGTON POST EZ RE B5



  1. Federal officials said the final
    capacity would depend on the
    city’s licensing requirements.
    The D.C. Child and Family Ser-
    vices Agency found the contrac-
    tor’s application for the facility
    “inadequate” but did not reject it
    outright, according to a D.C. offi-
    cial who spoke on the condition of
    anonymity to discuss an ongoing
    matter.
    The emergency regulations,
    which were adopted Friday, do
    not name the project specifically
    but would not allow for facilities
    with more than 15 children and
    would require the agency’s direc-
    tor to sign off on any facility
    housing between eight and 15
    children.
    The rules expire in mid-De-
    cember. A permanent version
    must go through a public com-
    ment period before taking effect.
    A person who answered the
    phone at Dynamic Service Solu-
    tions referred questions to HHS.
    The federal agency did not im-
    mediately respond to a request
    for comment.


SHELTER FROM B1 The owner of the proposed
shelter site, Douglas Develop-
ment, also has been facing pres-
sure to back out of the deal.
D.C. Council member Brandon
T. Todd (D-Ward 4), whose dis-
trict includes Takoma, wrote a
letter to the developer asking offi-
cials to “terminate any action” at
the property, and he said he and
other community leaders have
not heard from the federal con-
tractor that plans to operate the
facility. Local activists also are
planning a protest in front of the
building next week.
Douglas Jemal, who leads
Douglas Development, said his
business leases the four-story
building to the international lan-
guage school Education First,
which in turn planned to lease the
building for the immigrant shel-
ter.
“Douglas Jemal and Douglas
Development has nothing to do
with this, whatever you want to
call it, this facility. Nothing,” Je-
mal said Wednesday during a
phone interview. “The language
school is paying the rent, they are
not in default, and if they want to


sublease it to a legal use, they have
every right to do so.”
Education First did not im-
mediately respond to a message
seeking comment.

Several elected officials said
they did not want to be complicit
in the Trump administration’s
policies of separating immigrant
children from their parents.
But the shelter in Takoma is
meant to house minors who ar-
rived at the border without a
parent or guardian until they can
be placed with a relative or spon-
sor in the United States. Some

may have been separated by their
parents or in legal disputes sur-
rounding their status, but most
are unaccompanied.
A group of six D.C. residents
who held senior positions in HHS
under the Obama administration
wrote to Bowser last week urging
her to reconsider outright opposi-
tion to the proposed shelter.
“While the District’s intent in
opposing an unaccompanied chil-
dren’s shelter is noble, such action
is unlikely to benefit children and
may make it more likely that
children are harmed, forcing lon-
ger stays in crowded Customs and
Border Protection facilities or in
massive temporary shelters that
are not licensed by a state or local
child welfare agency,” they wrote.
Asked on Wednesday about
that letter, Bowser said her ad-
ministration is “making sure
emergency housing facilities that
support children are small and
dignified, and that’s our position.”
Jemal criticized the mayor’s at-
tempt to stop the shelter, saying
that she and others were conflat-
ing the issue of unaccompanied
minors who need housing with

family separations.
“I thought we are a blue area —
we welcome illegals, we are a
‘sanctuary city,’ ” Jemal said. “Now
these are kids, juveniles that have
crossed the border illegally.
Where are we supposed to put
them?”
The mayor and other officials
have said they also object to hav-
ing dozens of vulnerable children
under one roof. They also criti-
cized Dynamic Service Solutions
for lacking an extensive track rec-
ord caring for children.
“If the Trump-Jemal approach
was presented with smaller, dig-
nified facilities with known pro-
viders, the District of Columbia’s
response would be different,”
John Falcicchio, the mayor’s chief
of staff, said in a statement. “No
more warehouses.”
District officials recently
closed a large shelter for home-
less families at the former D.C.
General hospital site and are
building a network of smaller
facilities spread out across the
city.
The disappearance of 8-year-
old Relisha Rudd from D.C. Gen-

eral in 2014 put a glaring spotlight
on poor conditions at the shelter.
“We know when facilities are
too big to support children,
okay?” Bowser said at a news
conference this week. “And I don’t
need to remind anyone we don’t
know where Relisha Rudd is —
and her parent was with her.”
Council member Brianne K.
Nadeau (D-Ward 1) is considering
legislation to prohibit large-scale
facilities for children, which
would effectively turn the mayor’s
emergency rules into law.
Jemal said conditions at the
language-school site are far better
than the motels that the city uses
as overflow space for homeless
families.
“The facility is magnificent —
and then go to New York Avenue
and see our facilities for children,”
Jemal said. “Where should the
emergency legislation take place:
Should it be on the [language-
school site] or the shelters on New
York Avenue?”
[email protected]

Maria Sacchetti contributed to this
report.

Emergency rules in D.C. bar licensing of a 200-bed shelter


BY IAN DUNCAN

baltimore — A decade ago, the
Baltimore City Council president
dispatched a junior aide to deliv-
er a speech to mark the demoli-
tion of a blighted neighborhood
in Northeast Baltimore. Brandon
Scott returned this spring to
celebrate the choice of a develop-
er to build homes in the area.
Now, though, he was council
president himself.
“This is a great day,” said Scott,
a Democrat. “For me, it’s also one
that brings up a lot of emotion
and sentiment. I cut my teeth in
city government cleaning up
these lots.”
Only weeks before, Scott, 35,
had vaulted himself to the presi-
dency, part of a shakeout from
the resignation of Baltimore
Mayor Catherine E. Pugh (D) in
May. In doing so, he claimed the
city’s second top political job for
a wave of younger politicians
who have won office in Balti-
more.
Scott and his peers say their
outlook has been shaped by
growing up in the 1980s and ’90s,
years in which Baltimore saw
economic decline, drug addic-
tion and violent crime — and an
often-punitive response by police
in the city’s black neighbor-
hoods.
Those who know Scott say that
upbringing fostered a monklike
seriousness and dedication to
helping Baltimore that propelled
him rapidly through the political
ranks.
“The city’s like a family. Some-
body has to be the strong one
that says, ‘We are going to be all
right and this is how we’re going
to do it,’ ” Scott said. “I honestly
believe that’s why I was put on
this earth.”
The next prize for the new
generation could be the mayor’s
office, and Scott has said he is
considering running next year.
The race could pit him against
Democratic Mayor Bernard C.
“Jack” Young, a veteran politician
whom Scott replaced as council
president who is also thinking of
running. The potential for an
electoral competition has helped
stoke tension between the two
African American leaders.
Scott’s father, the son of a pig
farmer who also worked as a


janitor, moved to Baltimore from
North Carolina. His mother
moved to the city as a toddler
from Virginia.
When Scott was born, the
family was still poor. Growing up
in Park Heights, the oldest of
three boys, Scott said he was
exposed to violence in the neigh-
borhood and battles between po-
lice and drug dealers. A basket-
ball game in the church lot might
be interrupted by gunfire or by
officers demanding that children
tell them where dealers had hid-
den stashes of drugs.
“That stuff had a dramatic
impact,” Scott said. “You’re going
to either hate that so much that
you want to change it or you’re
going to just become accustomed
to it.”
The family worked its way into
the middle class after a relative
who started the Coldspring heat-
ing and air conditioning busi-
ness hired his father. His mother
secured union jobs at Sweetheart
Cup and a Giant supermarket on
Reisterstown Road.
Getting into Roland Park El-
ementary/Middle School in fifth
grade, which his mother targeted
for its advanced academic pro-
gram, was akin to “going from
here to Pasadena, California.”
The family remains close, and
Scott said he’s still expected to do
chores.
“When I’m in my parents’
house or my grandparents’
house, I ain’t the council presi-
dent,” he said.
Longtime friend Jabari Bush
met Scott when they were stu-
dents at Mergenthaler Vocation-
al Technical High School. They
had long bus rides home, which
give them time to talk about the
rap music they love, Wu-Tang
Clan in particular.
When Bush’s mother died,
Bush went to school to say what
had happened, but a teacher
started yelling at him thinking
he was going to make an excuse
to miss class. Scott went to the
principal’s office and straight-
ened things out, Bush recalled.
Bush, now assistant principal
at City Neighbors High School
and Scott’s campaign chairman,
described his friend as ambitious
— and intensely competitive dur-
ing the Wednesday night basket-
ball games they’ve tried to keep

up even as their careers have
taken off.
“He’s the littlest guy out there,
but he goes harder than any-
body,” Bush said. (Scott retorted
that he is, in fact, taller than
Bush at 5-foot-9.)

Athletics carried Scott
through to his high school gradu-
ation in 2002. He got an assist
from his track coach, who ush-
ered him into the CollegeBound
program, which encourages city
students to consider, prepare for
and stay in college. Scott went
through the program with Alicia
Wilson, a former Sagamore De-
velopment executive who is now
a Johns Hopkins University vice
president. She’s also Scott’s cam-
paign treasurer.
Scott earned a degree in politi-

cal science in 2006 from St.
Mary’s College of Maryland in
Southern Maryland, where he
conducted what he called a hos-
tile takeover of the Black Student
Union and then served as its
president. Scott is still paying off
his student loans but joked that
his lender appreciates his new
job’s salary of $122,000.
In 2007, Mayor Martin O’Mal-
ley (D) became governor, so
council President Sheila Dixon
became mayor. Then, council-
woman Stephanie Rawlings-
Blake’s colleagues chose her as
their leader, leaving her council
seat vacant. Scott applied for the
spot but wasn’t picked. Rawl-
ings-Blake offered him a job on
her new team in the council
president’s office.
Scott worked as her represen-
tative in a swath of Northeast
Baltimore, attending community
meetings, keeping her apprised
of issues in the neighborhood
and troubleshooting problems.
Rita Crews, president of the
Belair-Edison Community Asso-
ciation, got to know Scott in
those years. He attended cook-
outs and flower plantings, but he
was also called on to do more.
She recalled a family with no
money to pay for a funeral and
another at risk of becoming
homeless. Both times, Scott
stepped up to help, Crews said.
“He does good deeds and he

doesn’t boast about what he
does,” she said.
In the 2011 election, a council
seat covering some of the neigh-
borhoods where Scott was work-
ing opened up after the incum-
bent decided not to run. Scott,
who had moved in 2009 to an
apartment in that district, won,
taking 55 percent of the vote in a
six-way Democratic primary.
Scott described his election at
age 27 and that of Democrat Nick
Mosby, then 32, to a council seat
in West Baltimore as the begin-
ning of the rise of the new
generation that has since gained
power on the council, in the city’s
General Assembly delegation
and at the state’s attorney’s of-
fice. Scott said he’s proud of his
role in that.
“Someone has to be able to
charge at the door,” Scott said.
“We can’t wait. Wait for what?
There are cemeteries full of peo-
ple in Baltimore who waited a
turn that never came. You don’t
wait.”
Scott continues to work with
Rawlings-Blake’s former fund-
raiser, Colleen Martin-Lauer, and
was a sometime ally of the for-
mer mayor. But Kaliope Parthe-
mos, one of Rawlings-Blake’s top
advisers and Scott’s former boss,
said he wasn’t a guaranteed vote
for the administration.
“People think he’s part of the
machine, and I get tickled when I
hear people say that — tickled
and a little frustrated,” Parthe-
mos said. “Did he work for a
mayor? Yes. But he’s a communi-
ty person. He’s extremely inde-
pendent.”
As a councilman, Scott worked
to bring transparency to restau-
rant health inspection records
and sponsored an expansion of
the city’s curfew for children and
teenagers.
Mosby, now a state delegate,
said he and Scott weren’t always
aligned, describing Scott as more
conservative. But he said their
upbringings shaped their politi-
cal outlooks in similar ways.
“We were able to see people’s
family lives go from being stable
to unstable overnight,” Mosby
said.
After Scott was reelected in
2016 to the council, Young chose
him to lead the public safety
committee. That gave him a high-

profile platform to comment on
crime and take the police depart-
ment to task. He showed an
interest in detail, instituting
monthly oversight hearings to
claw information out of officials.
Scott also made attention-grab-
bing moves, as when he demand-
ed police leaders produce a col-
laborative plan to reduce vio-
lence at a public hearing, then
abruptly ended the meeting
when they weren’t prepared to
present the full plan.
The focus on crime extended
beyond Scott’s official role. He
helped found the anti-violence
group 300 Men March, walking
from Baltimore to Washington in
2015 to raise awareness about a
surge of killings that started in
the city that year and has not
abated.
With Pugh on leave in April
amid mounting investigations
into sales of her “Healthy Holly”
books, Scott helped organize a
unanimous call by the council for
her to resign. When she quit in
May, he moved quickly to secure
the votes to get elected council
president by his peers.
After the vote and before the
official swearing-in, some of
Scott’s young colleagues sought
selfies with him on the floor of
the council chambers.
As council president, Scott has
set forth a 26-point plan he
hopes to enact before his term
ends in December 2020. It in-
cludes lowering the voting age
for city elections to 16 and re-
making the top levels of city
government, in part by changing
the composition of the city’s
spending board.
Reflecting on his success, Scott
says he sees how easily his life
could have turned out differently.
He compared himself with peo-
ple he knew in elementary school
who are gone, “either in the
physical sense, or they’re in pris-
on, or they’re walking around
Park Heights severely addicted to
drugs.”
“The only difference is, literal-
ly, home. That’s it,” he said. “And
that’s why I’m always so particu-
lar about how we can rebuild
families in the city. Because I
know having such a strong fam-
ily is a very critical part of how I
got to be where I am.”
— Baltimore Sun

MARYLAND


Council chief wants more for Baltimore, may go for mayor


“Now these are kids,


juveniles that have


crossed the border


illegally. Where are we


supposed to put them?”
Douglas Jemal,
who leads Douglas Development

JERRY JACKSON/BALTIMORE SUN
Scott lays out his legislative plan during a meeting with the
Baltimore Sun’s editorial board at the end of July.

KIM HAIRSTON/BALTIMORE SUN

Jabari Bush, left, gets a laugh from Brandon Scott as they and Alan Robinson hit a basketball game at a
Baltimore high school. “He’s the littlest guy out there, but he goes harder than anybody,” Bush said.


ULYSSES MUÑOZ/BALTIMORE SUN
Scott, the Baltimore City Council president, watches a video about the reopening of the Harlem Park
Recreation Center, which has new lighting, sports equipment and an upgraded multipurpose room.

“The city’s like a family.


Somebody has to be the


strong one that says,


‘We are going to be all


right and this is how


we’re going to do it.’ ”
Brandon Scott, council president
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