The EconomistAugust 31st 2019 39
1
C
ities builtaround seaports are often
prosperous. Not so Buenaventura, on
Colombia’s Pacific coast. Its four ports col-
lect more customs revenue than those of
any other city in the country. Yet two-thirds
of Buenaventura’s 400,000 inhabitants are
poor, according to a government measure.
Few have access to piped drinking water or
sewerage. Rows of metal shacks on stilts jut
into the sea. Vegetation devours the only
public hospital, which lacks equipment to
perform even minor operations.
Conditions are no better elsewhere in
the Pacific region. Three-quarters of the
workforce in Tumaco, the second-busiest
Pacific port, is unemployed. The poverty
rate in Chocó department exceeds 60%. Co-
lombia is the only South American country
with Pacific and Caribbean coasts. Whereas
the Caribbean attracts tourists and enter-
prise, the Pacific has been a backwater.
Corruption is partly responsible. The
four previous mayors of Buenaventura, the
region’s largest city, are or recently were in
prison. But the central government in Bo-
gotá bears much of the blame. Since inde-
pendence in 1810 it has invested in the Ca-
ribbean ports to encourage trade with
Europe and the United States. The rise of
trade with Asia since the 1990s should have
enriched the Pacific. But the government
imposes conditions that thwart the build-
ing of infrastructure and investment.
Among the most important (and least
known) is Ley (Law) 70 of 1993, under which
60% of the land on the Pacific coast—6m
hectares—is communally owned (see
map). Colombia enacted it to benefit the re-
gion’s mainly Afro-Colombian people. The
area was settled by fugitives from slavery,
then by freed slaves after abolition in 1851.
Ley 70 gave their descendants rights simi-
lar to those of indigenous peoples, includ-
ing the right to form councils that can
claim title to government lands they have
long occupied. Unlike indigenous re-
serves, this land cannot be transferred to
third parties even if a community agrees.
Borrowers cannot offer it as collateral.
The law’s defenders say it preserves the
environment and Afro-Caribbean culture.
Families dwell in huts made from wood
gathered nearby, cultivate plantains and
coconuts and hunt iguanas and turtles.
Some bury a baby’s umbilical cord to affirm
their ties to the land. Juan Camilo Cárde-
nas, an economist at the University of the
Andes in Bogotá, contends that families on
communally owned land have lower levels
of extreme poverty than others in the re-
gion. Collective titling discourages defor-
estation, which has soared elsewhere. Gra-
ciano Caicedo, a leader of the Yurumanguí
river community, claims that a return to a
way of life that pre-dates white settlement
would make hospitals unnecessary.
But in some ways Ley 70 and the related
right of communities to be consulted on
projects that affect them, derived from the
International Labour Organisation’s (ilo’s)
convention on indigenous peoples, hold
back the region’s people. The effect is made
worse by the government’s failure to issue
rules that define the application of both
rights. That makes unclaimed land subject
Colombia
No-man’s land
BUENAVENTURA
Collective land ownership keeps the country’s Pacific coast poor
PACI F I C
OCEAN
Caribbean
Sea
COLOMBIA
PANAMA
ECUADOR
Bogotá
Chocó
Collective titles
Source: Observatory of
Ethnic and Peasant Territories
Cali
Tumaco
Buenaventura
200 km
The Americas
40 Bello: Bolsonaro plays with fire
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