The EconomistAugust 31st 2019 71
1
F
ew economistsworked at the Federal
Reserve in the early 1950s. Those who
were on the staff of America’s central bank
were relegated to the basement, at a safe re-
move from the corridors where real deci-
sions were made. Economists had their
uses, allowed William McChesney Martin,
then the Fed’s chairman. But they also had
“a far greater sense of confidence in their
analyses than I have found to be warrant-
ed”. They were best kept down with the sur-
plus furniture and the rats.
The world changes, and it can be hard to
say why, writes Binyamin Appelbaum in
“The Economists’ Hour”. Despite the clout
of a few individuals such as John Maynard
Keynes, economists as a class were once
held in almost universally low esteem by
serious policymakers, who saw them as
trumped-up statisticians with strange
views about human behaviour. But in the
decades after the second world war, the
profession clawed its way out of the base-
ment and up to extraordinary influence.
The rise was made possible by charis-
matic intellectuals such as Milton Fried-
man, who in that era spotted the chance to
nudge history in their preferred direction.
For nearly half a century rumpled theorists
held the ear of politicians around the
world. Their period of triumph ended in a
fog of financial crisis, economic conflict
and resurgent nationalism. Mr Appelbaum
aims to focus public attention on the role
of economists in the miasma’s descent.
His is a respected voice in American
journalism. Now an editorial writer at the
New York Times, he spent nearly a decade
covering economics and economic policy
in Washington. “The Economists’ Hour” is
a work of journalism rather than polemic.
It is a well reported and researched history
of the ways in which plucky economists
helped rewrite policy in America and Eu-
rope and across emerging markets.
Some of the stories Mr Appelbaum tells
will be unfamiliar. He describes how econ-
omists inspired by Friedman persuaded
Richard Nixon to abandon military con-
scription in favour of all-volunteer armed
forces. The draft misused resources, they
argued, by pressing into service young peo-
ple whose skills might be better applied
elsewhere. The Pentagon might actually
save money by relying solely on volun-
teers, thanks to reduced turnover and thus
lower training costs. Nixon had his own
reasons for ending conscription. But the
economists helped make up his mind.
And they managed to undercut an age-
old American scepticism of big business.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries,
America had reined in the behemoths built
by robber barons. In the 1950s economists
were second-class citizens in the antitrust
division of the Department of Justice. The
economists’ hour changed all that.
George Stigler, a friend of Friedman and
a fixture at the University of Chicago, reck-
oned that “competition is a tough weed,
not a delicate flower”, and that in practice
firms would struggle to maintain and wield
market power. Aaron Director, an econo-
mist sympathetic to Stigler’s ideas on com-
petition (and Friedman’s brother-in-law),
spent most of his career in Chicago as well,
instructing law students in the emerging
economic perspective on antitrust issues.
He became a mentor to Richard Posner, a
legal scholar and later a judge, who pro-
moted the notion that justice in the law
meant no more and no less than economic
Unintended consequences
The numbers guys
Economists have a lot to answer for, argues a veteran analyst
The Economists’ Hour.By Binyamin
Appelbaum. Little, Brown; 448 pages; $30.
To be published in Britain by Picador in
January; £20
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