- The Observer
30 25.08.19 World
22 July. “Omran [the couple’s third
child] was there in Maarat al-Numan
when the airstrike on the market hap-
pened,” says Dimashqi. “He rushed
over and shouted again and again for
his father, begging him to say he was
alive. But he wasn’t. The bombing is
incessant. It’s becoming exactly like
what we witnessed in Ghouta.”
Many civilians living in Idlib prov-
ince, like Dimashqi, are Syrians who
have never picked up a gun but are
sympathetic to the rebel cause. Their
lives have been affected by violence
again and again. A third of the pop-
ulation are children. And yet, accord-
ing to Damascus and its Russian
Syrian government forces have made
fresh military advances towards
President Bashar al-Assad ’s goal of
reclaiming “every inch” of the coun-
try in an offensive that has intensifi ed
fears of a humanitarian disaster in the
northern Idlib province.
Opposition fi ghters withdrew last
week from the key town of Khan
Sheikhoun , another strategic con-
cession to Assad and his Russian and
Iranian backers, who have torn up a
ceasefi re deal protecting the rebels’
last major pocket of territory.
As the country’s bloody civil war
grinds into its ninth year, Assad
is widely acknowledged to have
emerged triumphant.
But the fi ghting is far from over,
with the terms of victory and the
shape of Syria’s future still very much
in play on the battlefi eld.
Armed groups are dug in across
much of the north, including extrem-
ist opposition fi ghters in Idlib, and
beyond them foreign-backed fi ght-
ers including Turkish proxy militias
and US-backed Kurds along sections
of the border with Turkey and Iraq.
Caught in the middle of the fi ght-
ing, as brutal as it ever has been
during this conflict, are desperate
civilians. Around three million are
trapped in the opposition-held prov-
ince of Idlib.
The area is largely controlled by
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) , a former
al-Qaida affi liate that came to domi-
nate the opposition after infi ghting
and fragmentation destroyed more
moderate groups.
But the civilians gathered there
come from a much broader range of
backgrounds, many of them oppo-
sition supporters displaced multi-
ple times from areas that have since
fallen to Assad, including Aleppo and
the Damascus suburb of Ghouta.
Many have fallen under HTS control
without actively supporting them.
The latest crisis was set in motion
in April, when the Syrian government
offensive shredded a truce that was
agreed last year between Turkey, Iran
and Russia. It had created a buffer
zone between the last remaining
pockets of rebel-held territory and
Assad’s forces.
The scale and intensity of the
bombardment that followed, includ-
ing attacks on health facilities and
and Iranian allies, they are all jihad-
ist-allied terrorists. With the Turkish
border closed to refugees, there is
nowhere left for them to go.
“The regime and Russia push the
‘terrorist’ narrative for a very sim-
ple reason: they genuinely believe
it. For years now, Idlib has been the
dumping ground for irreconcilable
fi ghters and civilians, all of whom,
for whatever reason, refused to con-
sider a life in regime-held territories,”
says Charles Lister , director of the
Countering Terrorism and Extremism
programme at the Washington -based
Middle East Institute.
Jihadist groups had a presence
in Idlib even before Syria’s civil war
broke out. During the confl ict their
growth has been motivated by many
factors, including the relentless sav-
agery of the regime in the battles for
Aleppo , Deraa , Homs and Ghouta.
A fragile ceasefi re in Idlib brokered
by Russia and Turkey fell apart after
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), a jihad-
ist umbrella group that grew out of
al-Qa ida’s Syrian affi liate, wrested
control of the province from the
Turkish-backed moderate National
Liberation Front (NLF) in January.
Civilians in some places have had
to abide by HTS’s rules and, in May,
the NLF was forced into an alliance
with HTS to fend off the current
regime assault. Estimates of HTS’s
strength vary from about 15,000 to
30,000 fi ghters.
world and ruled by an unpopular,
repressive militant group.
The international community,
however, has largely stood by and
watched as the predictable crisis in
Idlib has unfolded.
“The Assad regime has understood
that, in the western imagination,
the fear of terrorist attacks always
supersedes humanitarian concerns.
For years, the international commu-
nity sat on the sidelines of the Syrian
confl ict as the regime methodically
suppressed all civic opposition and
depopulated swathes of supposedly
oppositionist territory.
“After eight years of war, it has
become clear that there is no cruelty
the Assad regime could infl ict that
The area has been under sustained
air and ground attack for four months
and the civilian cost has been bru-
tal. About 500,000 people have fl ed
their homes, many to camp out on the
Turkish border. At least 45 schools
and 42 health clinics have been tar-
geted by violence, according to the
International Rescue Committee , as
well as bakeries and marketplaces.
At least 881 civilians and more than
2,000 rebel combatants have died ,
along with 1,400 pro-Assad troops.
If Assad, blocked by Turkey, strug-
gles to retake Idlib from HTS, the
options for those inside the province
remain bleak. Fears are growing that
the area could become another Gaza
Strip – sealed off from the outside
Three million caught in crossfi re as Assad
army vows to capture every inch of Syria
Offensive in Idlib
threatens entire region
as Turkey fears a new
infl ux of refugees
schools, led the United Nations to
launch an inquiry. It will investigate
government targeting of UN-backed
facilities and protected civilian sites
that were on a list provided to Syrian
authorities.
Assad claimed that his troops
attacked only because Turkey did
not stick to its commitments to keep
extremists out of the area, which
Turkey rejects.
Aid agencies say civilians fl eeing
the military advance face desper-
ate conditions in makeshift refugee
camps without water or sanitation,
and with shortages of food. With the
Turkish border to the north sealed,
however, they have nowhere else to
go as the fi ghting intensifi es.
The Syrian authorities have
opened a “humanitarian corridor”
for non-combatants to leave, but
it leads to government-controlled
areas, and few of those trapped see
it as a safe escape route. Returnees
with opposition links have faced
detention, conscription or worse
when arriving in parts of the coun-
try ruled by Assad’s forces.
Khan Sheikhoun was targeted by
Continued from page 29
Emma Graham-Harrison
Rebel
control
Idlib
Latakia
Turkey Aleppo
Idlib province
20 miles
20 km
Syria
Damascus