A10 THURSDAY, AUGUST 29, 2019 LATIMES.COM
and extorted. A number
have died.
In dozens of interviews
and in court proceedings,
current and former officials,
judges, lawyers and advo-
cates for asylum seekers
have said that Homeland
Security officials imple-
menting Remain in Mexico
appear to be violating U.S.
law, and the human cost is
rising.
Testimony from another
dozen asylum seekers con-
firmed that they were being
removed without the safe-
guards provided by U.S. law.
The alleged legal violations
include denying asylum
seekers’ rights and know-
ingly putting them at risk of
physical harm — against
federal regulations and the
Immigration and National-
ity Act, the foundation of the
U.S. immigration system.
U.S. law grants migrants the
right to seek protection in
the United States.
U.S. Customs and Border
Protection officers are writ-
ing the phrase “domicilio
conocido,” or “known ad-
dress,” on asylum seekers’
paperwork instead of a le-
gally required address, mak-
ing it nearly impossible for
applicants stuck in Mexico
to be notified of any changes
to their cases or upcoming
court dates. By missing
court hearings, applicants
can be permanently barred
from asylum in the U.S.
Meanwhile, some federal
asylum officers who are con-
vinced they are sending asy-
lum seekers to their deaths
told The Times that they
have refused to implement
the Remain in Mexico policy
at risk of being fired. They
say it violates the United
States’ decades-long legal
obligations to not return
people to persecution.
Officials at Homeland
Security headquarters as
well as Customs and Border
Protection, the agency
charged with primary en-
forcement of the policy, re-
fused repeated requests for
interviews or data on the
policy, citing “law enforce-
ment sensitivity.”
For President Trump,
however, whose political pri-
ority is to restrict even legal
immigration to the United
States, the Remain in Mexi-
co policy has been his single
most successful effort: Just
one asylum seeker subjected
to the policy is known to
have won the ability to stay
in the U.S.
Oswaldo said his family
fled their hometown outside
Guatemala’s capital in Feb-
ruary after his older sons re-
fused to join the MS-13 gang
and members threatened to
kill them. While in Mexico, he
said, police beat and robbed
them, and local gangs tried
to kidnap his 7-year-old
daughter. They rode freight
trains to the U.S. border, Os-
waldo running for the trains
with the baby on his chest in
a bright-pink carrier.
The family claimed asy-
lum in April with U.S. au-
thorities in Calexico, a small
agricultural city in south-
eastern California across
from Mexicali. Officials sent
them back to Mexico, telling
them to report to the border
again a month later and
about 100 miles west, in Ti-
juana. There, they’d be
brought into the U.S. for a
court hearing in San Diego,
then sent back to Tijuana.
Officials separated the case
of Oswaldo’s eldest son, 21,
from the rest of the family’s
case.
“Life was already so diffi-
cult,” Oswaldo said. When
U.S. officials returned them
to Mexico, he said, “it was
hard to take.”
After unveiling the policy
in December, Homeland Se-
curity officials did not push
the first asylum seekers
back to Mexico until Jan. 28,
launching the program in
San Ysidro, south of San
Diego. By the end of March,
they’d expanded the policy
east to El Paso. In May, a fed-
eral appeals court ruled that
the policy could continue
until hearings on its legality
in October. With the court’s
blessing, the administration
expanded the policy to the
rest of the U.S.-Mexico bor-
der, and to any Spanish
speaker, not just Central
Americans. In less than
three months, the number of
removals quadrupled.
In July, U.S. officials be-
gan returning asylum seek-
ers from the rest of Texas to
Nuevo Laredo and then
Matamoros, in the Mexican
state of Tamaulipas.
The State Department
gives Tamaulipas a level 4
“do not travel” warning —
the same as Syria’s.
At least 141 migrants
under the Remain in Mexico
program have become vic-
tims of violence in that coun-
try, according to Human
Rights First, a nonpartisan
advocacy group.
At a media briefing earli-
er this month, Mark Morgan,
the acting head of Customs
and Border Protection, told
The Times, “I would never
participate in something I
thought was illegal.” He add-
ed that the judicial system
would ultimately “deter-
mine the legality” of the pol-
icy.
He said he was unaware
of any incidents in which an
asylum seeker was harmed
under Remain in Mexico,
but he said the U.S. didn’t
track what happened to mi-
grants once they were re-
turned to Mexico. “That’s up
to Mexico,” he said.
Roberto Velasco, spokes-
man for Mexico’s Foreign
Ministry, said the policy was
a “unilateral action” and
that the U.S. was “solely re-
sponsible” for ensuring due
process for asylum seekers
returned to Mexico.
While saying the policy is
for the migrants’ own pro-
tection, Morgan said it was
also intended to deter asy-
lum seekers. He claimed, as
the president often does,
that many asylum appli-
cants had fraudulent cases.
“If you come here with a
kid, it’s not going to be an
automatic passport to the
United States,” Morgan
said. “I’m hoping that that
message will get back.”
In November, the Trump
administration was engaged
in intense negotiations with
Mexico to get them to agree
to take asylum seekers
headed for the U.S. During
that time, administration of-
ficials drafted a pilot Re-
main in Mexico program in
California. In email ex-
changes, the officials struck
key protections for asylum
seekers. But when plans
were leaked, the policy was
put on hold.
In late January, officials
pushed back the first
asylum seekers from San
Ysidro, but it was short-lived
— in April, a federal judge
in San Francisco temporari-
ly blocked Remain in Mexi-
co.
Then, just a few weeks
later, the U.S. 9th Circuit
Court of Appeals allowed
the Trump administration
to resume the policy.
But two of the three
judges raised concerns
about its legality. One judge
said the government’s legal
argument to send migrants
to Mexico was an “impos-
sible” reading of the law.
“The government is
wrong,” the judge wrote.
“Not just arguably wrong,
but clearly and flagrantly
wrong.”
Diana Diaz, 19, is among
the asylum seekers caught
up in the policy’s complex-
ities. She fled El Salvador
last year after a Barrio 18
gang member threatened to
kill her when she refused to
become his girlfriend. A lo-
cal police officer said he’d
protect her but began to ha-
rass her instead, she said.
“He said, ‘I can rape you
— I can do whatever I want
to you — and make it look
like the gangs did this, not
me,’ ” she recounted the po-
lice officer saying.
She crossed alone from
Guatemala into southern
Mexico in November. In Jan-
uary, she arrived in Tijuana
to join thousands of people
waiting at the San Ysidro
port of entry to register asy-
lum claims.
In March, Diaz’s number
finally came up. U.S. officials
brought her into the San
Ysidro entry, took her finger-
prints, asked her a few ques-
tions and then sent her to
the “icebox,” migrants’ term
for U.S. immigration deten-
tion, she said. But shortly af-
ter, Customs and Border of-
ficials took her to the gate
leading back to Tijuana and
gave her a notice to come
back the next month for a
court hearing.
“I can’t go back there —
my life is at risk,” she re-
counted telling them.
She said they told her:
“That’s not my problem any-
more.”
Now, U.S. officials are re-
turning asylum seekers at a
rate of nearly 3,300 a week.
Courtroom battles
Judge Lee O’Connor’s
raised voice ricocheted
through his near-empty
courtroom in San Diego.
“If I were to issue an in ab-
sentia order, where would it
even be served?” O’Connor
asked a Trump administra-
tion lawyer.
“Your honor, on the ad-
dress the court has.”
“The ‘general delivery,’
Baja California, Mexico?”
“Yes, your honor.”
“How is that an ad-
dress?”
“Those are the addresses
I was given,” the government
lawyer responded. “I don’t
know where they came
from.”
Lawyers, advocates, U.S.
asylum officers and judges
see more than just bureau-
cratic dysfunction and
sloppy policymaking —
Trump officials, they say, in-
tended to make it nearly im-
possible to win asylum in the
United States under Re-
main in Mexico.
In the 9th Circuit ruling
in May, one judge said
Homeland Security’s pro-
cedures for implementing
the policy were “so ill-suited
to achieving that stated goal
as to render them arbitrary
and capricious.”
Remain in Mexico has
added to a backlog of more
than 975,000 pending immi-
gration cases. In July, one
out of every four new cases
was assigned to the Remain
in Mexico program.
Sitting behind piles of
paper earlier this summer in
San Diego, O’Connor weigh-
ed the government’s request
to issue removal orders for a
handful of asylum seekers
who hadn’t shown up for
their hearings that day. If
O’Connor ruled in the ad-
ministration’s favor, the de-
cision could bar each appli-
cant from the United States
for at least a decade, if not
permanently.
He launched into the ad-
ministration lawyer, rattling
off a list of legal violations.
The majority of asylum
seekers returned to Mexico
under the policy are origi-
nally from Central America,
and a sizable number speak
only indigenous languages.
But Homeland Security offi-
cials routinely don’t provide
translation or use phone in-
terpreters in removal pro-
ceedings, according to inter-
nal communications ob-
tained by the nonprofit
American Oversight and
shared with The Times.
The Times reviewed a
number of asylum seekers’
paperwork on which Cus-
toms and Border Protection
officers had put incomplete
addresses or provided no
translation. And the free
phone number the govern-
ment provided for appli-
cants to call for updates on
their cases was an 800 num-
ber, which can only be used
from within the United
States.
“There’s some things
that we’re still working
through,” said Sidney Aki, a
CBP official in charge of the
San Ysidro port. He con-
ceded that officers had
made mistakes implement-
ing the policy, saying they
were in uncharted territory.
As of the end of July, only
2,599 Remain in Mexico
cases had been decided,
with another 23,402 cases
pending in immigration
courts across the country —
nearly double the number
from one month earlier, ac-
cording to the Transactional
Records Access Clearing-
house at Syracuse Uni-
versity. At that point, not
one person had won asylum.
O’Connor ordered that
the government’s removal
proceedings against the ab-
sent asylum seekers be ter-
minated. He’s not the only
one; overall, in roughly 60%
of the decisions reached so
far under Remain in Mexico,
immigration judges have
closed the government’s
‘Remain in Mexico’ fails many
[Asylum,from A1]
MIGRANTS HEADto a meal at a shelter in Mexicali, Mexico. They often have no fixed address when they’re turned back from the U.S.
Dania MaxwellLos Angeles Times
FLORIDALMA ORTEGAwaits with two of her four children as her husband,
Oswaldo Ortiz-Luna, tries to sell candy at an intersection in Mexicali, Mexico.
Dania MaxwellLos Angeles Times
[SeeAsylum,A11]
FREDY AUGUSTO BURRIONand son Jhostin, of Guatemala, wait at a shelter
in Juarez after the U.S. returned them to Mexico after they applied for asylum.
Carolyn ColeLos Angeles Times
Brownsville Port
of Entry: 610
San Ysidro
Port of Entry:
820
San Diego Border
Patrol: 5,
Calexico
Port of Entry:
155
El Paso
Port of Entry:
1,
El Centro
Border Patrol:
5,
Laredo
Port of Entry:
751
El Paso Border
Patrol: 12,
Laredo Border
Patrol: 4,
Rio Grande Valley
Border Patrol: 2,
CALIFORNIA
BAJA
CALIFORNIA
ARIZONA
SONORA
CHIHUAHUA
COAHUILA
NUEVO
LEÓN
TAMAULIPAS
NEW MEXICO
TEXAS
U.S.
MEXICO
Source: Department of Homeland Security Thomas Suh Lauder Los Angeles Times
Totals from Jan. 28 through Aug. 18.
Asylum seekers returned to Mexico along the border