The Boston Globe - 02.09.2019

(Nancy Kaufman) #1

MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 2019 The Boston Globe Opinion A


Inbox


Plan to deport sick kids


feels like the last straw


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Policy move calls
for widespread disobedience

The front-page headline says it all: “Plan to deport sick chil-
dren stirs outcry” (Aug. 30). But what kind of outcry? Sena-
tors Edward Markey and Elizabeth Warren will send a
strongly worded letter to an administration already poised
to ignore them, demanding documents that no doubt will
stay sealed.
When will everyone realize that this administration has
no intention of obeying norms, protocols, or existing laws?
Yet our elected officials keep playing by the old rules, send-
ing strongly worded letters that end up being tossed in the
bin.
Why not take a new tack? When these Draconian edicts
are issued, ignore them.
I know, it’s wrong, it’s lawless, it’s not how we do things.
But we have a president who lies and ignores the law, and
an administration bent on destroying democracy as we
know it. This calls for extraordinary action.
When they say deport sick children, don’t.
When they put babies in cages, get them out.
This isn’t complicated. It is right against wrong. Moral
against immoral. If a mother steals bread to feed her starv-
ing child, it may be against the law, but she is acting moral-
ly.
The smart people in the room need to do more than go
on cable news shows and voice their concerns; they need to
act. We need a united, concerted effort to stop the sicken-
ing policies of this twisted administration from taking hold
of what once was a decent and good country.
CHRISTINE GAGNE
Manchester-by-the-Sea

This really is not who we are — is it?


Re “Plan to deport sick children stirs outcry”: Who are we?
This can’t be possible. This policy is the final rabbit hole of
immorality.
The government of the United States is about to deport
families of seriously ill children receiving treatment in this
country. Many of these children will die if deported.
It is the last straw, as Donald Trump and Stephen Miller
qualify as the “undertakers” of America’s conscience.
Children with complex and life-threatening medical
conditions are being treated here under a policy known as
“deferred action,” through which they can remain for medi-
cal and other humanitarian reasons. Now the administra-
tion is ending this policy.
My mother was a physician and surgeon in New York
City. Her skills changed the lives of many young people. I
am her daughter, with two sons and grandchildren of my
own. Now, I must explain to them what we have become as
a nation under the aegis of Trump and Miller: “Send me
only healthy children to our shores. All others should die at
home.”
I ask again, Who are we? America, what is your answer?
PATRICIA YOUNG MANHARD
Lexington

Re “Costs of long-term care stagger states” (Page A1, Aug.
29): Yes, we need to change our approach to long-term
care, but we need the workforce to do so.
Every day 10,000 Americans turn 65 and by 2040, there
will be 80 million Americans 65 and older. In Massachu-
setts alone, nearly two of every three older adults have four
or more chronic conditions.
As Robert Weisman’s article explains, the cost of care for
this population is “straining family finances and Medicaid
budgets.” Yet, as noted, Massachusetts, a traditionally inno-
vative state, is lagging behind other states in funding long-
term care initiatives.
While it is true that strengthening and broadening ac-
cess to our current programs is paramount to meeting the
needs of an aging 21st-century population, we must keep
one group of people at the center of this mission: the direct
care workforce.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics estimates home health
and personal care aides as the third and fourth fastest-
growing occupations in America. Yet, they are the lowest-
paid jobs in the entire top 20 list, making a median salary
of $24,000 annually.
Innovative long-term care expansions will be fruitless in
getting services to elders if there aren’t enough workers to
staff the programs. This requires that we, as a state, com-
mit to adequately compensating and treating this work-
force as the dedicated professionals that they are. This
means properly funding programs that already exist, boost-
ing workers’ skills, and leveraging our hard-working immi-
grant communities who are already the bedrock of this
workforce.
PAT KELLEHER
Executive director
Home Care Alliance of Massachusetts
Boston

Expandinglong-termcaresystemwill
befruitlesswithoutboostingworkforce

Senator Edward Markey has a long history of hard work on
climate change. Now he is the Senate’s leader for the Green
New Deal, the first legislation to tackle climate disaster on
the scale that is needed. If Joseph Kennedy III runs against
him, all of us who care about climate disruption will need
to ensure that everyone understands the consequences of
undermining Markey’s vital work, and will need to demon-
strate to the nation that climate leadership is a powerful
electoral asset.
ROSALIE ANDERS
Cambridge

Climateactivistsdon’twanttosee
Markey’svitalworkundermined

By Michael Rosenblatt

T


he FDA recently approved
atreatmentforosteoporo-
sis, a targeted therapy for
advanced bladder cancer,
and a pill that can cure
smallpox. For each medicine, the
agency’s stamp of approval culminates
years — if not decades — of expensive
research.
The research that made the new os-
teoporosis treatment possible, for ex-
ample, began in 1964 and included 19
clinical studies involving more than
14,000 patients. The medicine offers
hope to the 10 million Americans liv-
ing with osteoporosis by harnessing a
molecular pathway that builds bone.
Such long histories are typical for
drug invention. Yet some members of
Congress ignore the reality of the pro-
cess. These lawmakers prefer to be-
lieve that federally funded scientists
develop medicines on their own — and
that private-sector firms simply take
advantage of this work to manufacture
the medicines, earning billions as a re-
sult.
Nothing could be further from the
truth. The government funds impor-
tant, basic research that expands sci-
entific knowledge and helps lay the
foundation for targeted or applied re-
search. This early work is essential,
but it’s only the beginning of a long,
arduous, and highly risky process that
is the domain of private-sector compa-
nies.
Here’s how drug invention typically
works.
Each year, the National Institutes
of Health funds research in its own
labs and awards grants to scientists at
universities and nonprofit research in-
stitutes. The vast majority of these re-
searchers aren’t actually designing
and developing drugs; rather, they’re
exploring scientific questions funda-
mental to medicine, like how the
body’s organs, cells, and systems work
and the ways in which “normal”
changes to “disease.” They hope that
some of their findings and insights
will point the way toward drug inven-
tion.
If a promising biological target is
identified, a life-sciences company —
either a small start-up or a pharma-
ceutical company — will begin explor-
ing how to translate the research into
a medically useful invention. Biotech
startups typically raise funds from
venture capital investors or public

markets in order to support this re-
search. Large pharmaceutical compa-
nies fund the research out of current
revenues (typically about 15 percent).
If early experiments prove to be
promising and there is potential to
create an actual therapy, the company
moves on to animal trials. If the candi-
date medicine works and testing indi-
cates that it is safe, they move to hu-
man trials. Some biotech firms can
handle this process on their own, but
many others partner with larger com-
panies. In every case, companies are
subject to the Food and Drug Admin-
istration’s stringent review standards.
Hundreds of new medicines have
come out of this process. Just last year,
the FDA approved 59 novel drugs that

target everything from cancers and
pulmonary diseases to migraines. To-
day, almost 6,700 projects are in clini-
cal development.
The drug-development pipeline
didn’t always work so well. Before
1980, the government retained the
patent rights to publicly funded re-
search discoveries and rarely licensed
these patents to private firms. Conse-
quently, the fruits of most federal re-
search dollars were seldom translated
into medicines that would benefit pa-
tients. Indeed, of the nearly 30,
patents that had resulted from federal
research funding up until that point,
fewer than 5 percent became market-
able products.
Frustrated by this, Congress passed
the Bayh-Dole Act in 1980 to push dis-
coveries that might benefit human
health into the commercial sector. The
law explicitly requires research centers
that receive federal funding to patent
promising findings and seek industry
partners. Private firms wishing to in-
vest in discoveries emerging from fed-
erally funded research pay licensing
rights and/or royalties to the nonprof-
its that make these discoveries.
The Bayh-Dole Act has worked.

Public-private research collaborations
with the NIH increased 500 percent
after it was instituted, and potentially
life-saving discoveries stopped sitting
unused in university labs. In 2016
alone, private firms invested $90 bil-
lion in research and development —
nearly triple the budget of the NIH.
Some lawmakers want to regress to
the era before Bayh-Dole. They believe
the government should own the pat-
ents that result from federally funded
research — or, at least set prices on the
medicines that are are eventually de-
veloped.
That’s not smart. Such a shift
would dramatically inhibit the scien-
tific exchange between those who do
basic research and those who explore
clinical applications. It would be akin
to the government exerting a claim on
every commercial enterprise that uses
the Internet because the Defense De-
partment helped create it. Other unin-
tended consequences might ensue:
companies might prefer to collaborate
with laboratories in Europe or Asia in
order to avoid financial disincentives.
Creating a drug is the longest, riski-
est, and most expensive product devel-
opment process on the planet — creat-
ing a new smartphone or self-driving
car doesn’t even come close. It takes
10 to 15 years to go from concept to
drug, and 9 in 10 experimental drugs
fail to receive FDA approval.
Alzheimer’s helps illustrate the
enormity of this task. Over the past
two decades, more than 150 efforts to
develop a novel Alzheimer’s drug have
failed. Alzheimer’s also helps illustrate
how daunting are America’s health
care challenges. Alzheimer’s and other
dementias alone cost the nation nearly
$300 billion each year. Yet industry in-
vestment in Alzheimer’s research year
after year has far outweighed that of
the government.
It will take new medicines to ad-
dress these challenges. And only a
strong biopharmaceutical industry
has the know-how, expertise, resourc-
es — and the financial incentives — to
move from new knowledge to the
medical inventions we so desperately
need.

Dr. Michael Rosenblatt is chief medical
officer of the venture firm Flagship
Pioneering. He previously served as
chief medical officer of Merck and as
dean of Tufts University School of
Medicine.

Howdruginvention


really works


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FDA’sstampof


approvalculminates


years—ifnotdecades


—ofexpensive


research.


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