The Daily Telegraph - 19.08.2019

(Martin Jones) #1

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1

B


oris Johnson’s unequivocal
message that the Withdrawal
Agreement is “dead” is good
news for the UK’s farmers. Its dire
ramifications would have all but ceded
control of UK agriculture to the EU.
We would not even have been free to
decide the levels of financial support
for landowners; the terms of the
Agreement would have forced the
UK to keep support for British
producers pegged at the 2019 level
while allowing EU competitors to
increase theirs, handing them an
enormous advantage.
Abandoning this punitive
Agreement, the UK can now build
a bespoke system of agricultural
support tailored to the needs of British

farmers at or above the level which
they receive under the EU’s Common
Agricultural Policy (CAP). To expand
into new markets, we need to move
away from production subsidies, but
these can be more than replaced by
a system of financial rewards for
environmental and public goods –
maintaining the cultural landscape,
promoting soil quality, improving
biodiversity, and providing effective
water management.
In parallel with a new support
system, farmers can boost their
productivity outside the precautionary
constraints of the CAP. The benign
British climate, the length of its days
and its soil quality provide some of the
most productive land in the world.
We can have every confidence that
food-producing areas of the country
will continue to prosper once released
from the CAP and encouraged to
embrace the latest technologies – from
gene editing to robotics. France, for
example, is missing out on over 4.
tonnes per hectare in its maize yield
compared to the US. That crop could
be worth hundreds of millions of euros
to the French economy, or free up
500,000 hectares for wildlife,
recreation, or forestry.
Likewise, harnessing genetics
in New Zealand has produced

spectacular increases in productivity
with easier lambing and sheep who
grow faster, yield more meat and are
less prone to disease. British sheep and
livestock farmers can replicate the
successes, which have seen the
average number of sheep managed by
one person in New Zealand rise from
850 to over 4,000 since the Eighties.
There is a palpable demand for
British products abroad, and our
Government will need to be proactive
in opening new markets around the
world as well as prioritising a UK/US
trade deal. In Oklahoma, for instance, I
learnt of exciting potential plans to
distribute Welsh lamb across the US,
flying it directly from Cardiff airport.
Meanwhile, crab producers in the
South West, previously heavily
dependent on EU markets, have
opened up new opportunities on WTO
terms for high-quality crab in Asia.
The market for Scotch whisky in
India has enormous potential. The
import tariff alone is currently over
150 per cent, and there are numerous
extra taxes and regulations across
different Indian states, but some
estimates show that the whole of
Scotland could not fully meet demand
if the duties were abolished.
UK exports to the EU will remain
important, which is why returning to

From robotics to gene


editing, EU rules have
stopped our farmers from
exploring new methods

Owen patersOnrsOn


T


ake a moment and
contemplate the bravery
of the demonstrators in
Hong Kong. Yesterday,
confronted by mounting
Chinese intimidation,
100,000 people took once more to
the streets. Ominously, video footage
has emerged of a Chinese military
buildup in nearby Shenzhen, and
Beijing has begun to refer to the
demonstrators as terrorists. This week,
a senior Chinese diplomat said, “if
Hong Kong’s situation deteriorates...
the central government will not sit by
and watch.” The central government,
of course, is not queasy about
oppressing civilians. It has imprisoned
around one million Uighur Muslims
in detention camps.
Helpless minorities are not the only
people in Beijing’s sights. Across the
whole of China, the state is using mass
surveillance, big data and internet
technologies to build a social credit
system to judge people’s civic worth.
This Orwellian horror will allow the
authorities to monitor and then
either punish or reward individuals
and businesses as they see fit. Even
hardy British spooks – no strangers
to surveillance – return from
China shocked by the penetration

of the state into everyday private life.
The demonstrations in Hong Kong


  • and the deployment of military assets
    nearby – have caused comparisons
    with the last major protests that
    rocked the Chinese state, in 1989.
    Some critics predict with confidence
    that Hong Kong will not turn into
    another Tiananmen Square. Beijing
    certainly has no interest in provoking
    a global reaction.
    But consider President Xi’s
    uncompromising attitude towards
    those who stand in the way of
    Communist rule. “Why did the Soviet
    Union disintegrate?” he once asked in
    a speech to the party. “An important
    reason was that their ideals and beliefs
    had been shaken... Nobody was man
    enough to stand up and resist.” Xi is
    not a man to compromise with
    dissenters and, with the stakes rising
    higher every day, it is difficult to see
    how he can back down.
    He is, however, in a bind. Hong
    Kong’s status is guaranteed in
    international law by the 1984 Joint
    Declaration, the treaty that led to
    Britain handing over its colony to
    China in 1997. He cannot legally
    interfere with Hong Kong’s
    government, legal system and
    individual rights and freedoms.
    And in the age of the internet and
    social media, it would be impossible
    to use violence to overcome
    the demonstrators without
    global condemnation.
    Yet China’s actions suggest they
    are seeking a casus belli to end the
    demonstrations forcibly. State
    propaganda says protestors are being
    stirred up by “black hands” from
    American intelligence agencies.
    State media outlets report that the
    protestors are violent criminals. It
    would be very surprising if the
    Chinese had not sent provocateurs


into Hong Kong – a favoured trick by
authoritarian regimes through the
ages – to entrap protestors and make
the case for a violent intervention.
Recent reports suggest that the
Tiananmen Square massacre was even
bloodier than we knew at the time.
According to British diplomatic cables
declassified last year, the death toll
was not 1,000 but 10,000. And the
cables tell us more about the appalling,
indiscriminate and deliberate killing
that took place that day.
“Students understood they were
given one hour to leave [the] Square”,
reads one message, “but after five
minutes [armoured personnel
carriers] attacked. Students linked
arms but were mown down.” The
personnel carriers then “ran over
bodies time and time again to make
‘cake’ and remains [were] collected by
bulldozer.” The remains of the
protestors, the cable reports, were
incinerated and hosed down drains.
Wounded female students begged
for their lives but were bayonetted by
Chinese soldiers. Survivors were told
they could escape by specific routes
only to be mown down by machine
gun fire. Army ambulances trying to
give aid to the wounded were “shot
up” by their fellow soldiers.
This is a serious warning, not from
ancient history but the relatively
recent past. China might be more
exposed to world trade, it might invest
in western infrastructure, its nationals
might own English football teams, and
its leaders might seem more suave and
urbane. But it remains the direct
descendent of the brutal, one-party,
authoritarian state of 1989.
Undoubtedly, some will say there is
little Britain – or the wider West – can
do. China is, after all, the world’s
largest trading nation already, and is
expected to have a larger economy

Excessive engagement has


blunted our ability to
respond to abuses carried
out by the brutal regime

nick timOthymOthyy


jane shilling


Brexit can bring farming into the future


An audiobook


will never be as


good as seeing


words on a page


I


t was while I was being
read to that I first realised
I could read. As a child
I looked forward to the
moment before bedtime
when I would look at the
pictures in a storybook
while my father read the
words. One day I found that
I was ahead of him. I had got
to the bottom of the page
while he was still intoning
the list of things that Phyllis
Krasilovsky’s The Very Little
Girl was smaller than.
From that moment,
I was launched as an
independent reader – a
transition as dramatic and
liberating as that from
crawling to walking.
Being read to as a child is
wonderful. In many ways:
you are introduced to
storytelling – that most
beguiling of human survival
stratagems – and you
experience the deep
satisfaction of being safe
and warm indoors while
Mole and Badger are lost in
the snowy Wild Wood.
But how to explain the
newfound appetite among
adults for listening to
stories? Following the
success of Radio 4’s 10-hour
adaptation of War and
Peace, broadcast in its
entirety on New Year’s
day, 2015 (an experience
described by one critic as
“like soaking in an ever-
replenishing warm bath”),
it is Proust’s turn to take
over the airwaves.
In Search of Lost Time
will be broadcast on Radio 4
over the Bank Holiday
weekend. “There is an
appetite for the epic that
has simply surpassed our
expectations,” says Celia
de Wolff, director of
both adaptations.
Later this month, 20
unabridged classics will be
available on the BBC Sounds
app. Meanwhile Laurence
Howell, director of content
at Audible UK, detects
“a real boom” in sales
of  audio books, while
those of physical and
eBooks remain flat.
Evidently convenience
is a factor: what better
distraction from some
dreary chore than to listen

a zero-tariff, zero-quota Free Trade
Agreement, as Donald Tusk offered, is
the best way forward for all parties.
However, a responsible government
must have WTO-compliant measures
in place, should the EU insist on tariffs.
It is absurd to think, as Project Fear
has implied, that the Government
would simply do nothing in those
circumstances. Potential EU tariffs
are estimated at £5.2 billion, but, for
example, measures like expanded
support for research and development
schemes (£2.1 billion), regional aid
programmes (£3.1 billion) and
transitional assistance programmes
for businesses adjusting to Brexit and
new markets (£695 million) could
more than mitigate such a scenario.
There is also enormous scope for
import substitution.
The central message of all this is
that the demise of the Withdrawal
Agreement represents a huge
opportunity for the UK’s farmers.
We are leaving an EU that is rapidly
turning into the “museum of world
farming”. By contrast, we have a great
chance to make technologically-aware
policy fit for the future and embrace
free trade across the world.

Owen Paterson is Conservative MP for
North Shropshire

The West has become too reliant


on its economic links with China


than the US by 2030. But as a first step,
we can do what Tom Tugendhat, the
Chairman of the Commons Foreign
Affairs Committee, has recommended,
and guarantee British citizenship to
Hong Kong’s citizens. This would give
these brave people a route to safety,
make China think again before
resorting to violence, and – by
granting Hongkongers a guaranteed
escape – give them the confidence to
stay while life remains tolerable.
But we must think again about our
economic engagement with China.
The West is wilfully facilitating the
rise of a brutal and authoritarian state.
Britain has become so dependent on
Chinese investment, its response to
China’s human rights abuses,
industrial espionage, cyber attacks,
geopolitical expansionism and military
development has been pitifully weak.
But it is not only Britain. As the
European Union refuses to make fiscal
transfers from richer to poorer
member states, a policy required by
the logic of its single currency, China
is investing heavily in Eastern Europe
and gaining diplomatic leverage. Even
in America, which under President
Trump has stood up to Beijing, China
owns more than $1 trillion of public
debt. Meanwhile, China’s Belt and
Road Initiative, building trading
routes between 65 countries, covering
more than 60 per cent of the world
population, and investing $900 billion,
marches on. The further it gets, the
greater will be China’s diplomatic,
economy and military power all
around the globe.
Hong Kong might seem a great
distance away. Our connections to
our former colony might feel like
something from history. But we
cannot turn away. And we cannot
continue to treat China like it is just
another country.

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to a chewy epic at the same
time? An audio version of
a text offers a way into a
book that might otherwise
seem inaccessible. And,
even as grown-ups, we are
susceptible to the childhood
comfort of being told
a story.
Still, there is something
revealing about de Wolff ’s
remark that “listeners
who follow a book from
beginning to end ... will
experience the sense of a
big read”. In a similar way,
I suppose, you might
experience the sense of a
glass of wine when you sip
the non-alcoholic version,
or the sense of flying a
fighter jet by doing it on
a simulator.
To immerse yourself in a
warm audio bath of Tolstoy
or Proust while you do the
washing-up is undoubtedly
pleasant, but it is not to
be compared with the
exhilarating intimacy of
reading when it is just you
and an author alone
together on the page.


The violinist Nicola
Benedetti tells
Gramophone magazine
that she supports diversity
in music, but doesn’t feel
the fact that great classical
composers of the past were
mostly white and male
lessens the power of
their music.
If the search for an
equilibrium between
musical diversity and the
titans of the classical
repertoire sometimes feels
painfully worthy and
adversarial, Jess Gillam’s
This Classical Life on
Radio 3 is the antidote.
Gillam, a 20-year-old
former BBC Young Musician
of the Year, and her equally
young interviewees,
slip effortlessly and
knowledgeably between
Beethoven and Bowie,
ignoring boundaries as
though they don’t exist.
Which, of course,
they shouldn’t.

read mOre at
telegraph.co.uk/
opinion

fOllOw Owen
Paterson on
Twitter @
OwenPaterson;
read mOre at
telegraph.co.uk/
opinion

read mOre at
telegraph.co.uk/opinion

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