The Caravan – August 2019

(coco) #1

the lede


AUGUST 2019 17

asa multilateralpartnershipwitha “renewed
focus”onJordan’seconomictransformation,the
agreementresultedinanannualgrantofoversev-
enhundredmilliondollarsforthenextthreeyears.
Thiswasinadditiontoconcessionalloansof$1.
billion,aswellastherelaxationoftheEuropean
Union’straderegulationsforJordanianproducts.
Thisfinancialaidwasaimedattargetssuchas
providingworkpermitsforSyrianrefugees,and
ensuringallSyrianchildrenwereenrolledin
schools.Nevertheless,theJordaniangovernment
facesconsiderablechallenges.InFebruary2018,
itshandforcedbytheworseningeconomicenvi-
ronment in the kingdom, it stopped subsidising the
medical treatment of Syrians, leading to a fivefold
increase in their medical expenses.
To make things worse, in August 2018, the Unit-
ed States government announced that it would stop
all funding toward the UN relief agency for Pales-
tinian refugees. It also passed the Anti-Terrorism
Clarification Act of 2018, which allows recipients of
US aid to be sued in US courts. When the law came
into force in February 2019, the Palestinian Author-
ity wrote to the US State Department that it would
stop accepting aid, out of fear of being implicated in
counterterrorism lawsuits in the United States.
Earlier, in December 2017, the Donald Trump
administration also recognised Jerusalem as the
capital of Israel. The move was deemed unaccept-
able by both Palestinians and Jordanians, since it
would entail giving up their stake in eastern Jeru-
salem, which was annexed from Jordan by Israel
in 1967. The Jordanian government considers East
Jerusalem integral to the two-state solution, as the
capital for a future Palestinian state.
Meanwhile, Jordan’s economy has been wilting
under increasing debt, due to its large public sector,
generous subsidies and the drying up of foreign
capital and aid. In 2016, the kingdom accepted a
structural-reform package from the International
Monetary Fund. However, the IMF mandated tax
hikes and the removal of government subsidies
in 2018, resulting in massive protests across the
country, eventually leading to the resignation of the
prime minister, Hani al-Mulki.
The domestic situation is further exacerbated
by the lack of opportunities. While the average
growth rate during the first decade of the century
was 6.5 percent, it dropped to 2.5 percent during
the 2010s. This slowdown is primarily attributed to
the effects of the global financial crisis in 2008–09,

as well as the regional turbulence that accompa-
nied the Arab Spring two years later. The unem-
ployment rate remains at an alarming 18.7 percent,
while youth unemployment has soared to a record
high of 40 percent. The kingdom has also wit-
nessed a reduction in its exports as a consequence
of the unstable geopolitics in its neighbourhood.
In February this year, the government finally
responded to this domestic turmoil with what King
Abdullah II called, at an investment summit in Lon-
don, a “strategic refocus on our competitive advan-
tages.” According to the king, this would mean de-
vising an economic strategy that “prioritises certain
sectors that benefit directly from Jordan’s high-val-
ue human capital,” as well as “foster a healthy busi-
ness climate” in the country. The government plans
to make private players and public–private partner-
ships central to spurring economic activity, and has
also positioned the capital, Amman, as a gateway
to business in West Asia. However, the decrease in
public expenditure following the IMF restructur-
ing has had the unintended consequence of stalling
private-sector growth, stifling investment in an
atmosphere of austerity.
In a country where one in three people is report-
ed to be employed by the state, the government’s
effort to direct people towards private-sector em-
ployment has also faced opposition. In February,
around a hundred and fifty job seekers from Aqaba
marched on foot for over three hundred kilome-
tres to Amman, and staged a protest demanding
jobs in state-run enterprises. Similar marches
towards Amman were reported from the cities of
Irbid, Karak and Madaba. The protesters rejected
the government’s offer to find them jobs in the
private sector.
During the 2011 Arab Spring, protests erupted
in Jordan as well, demanding better governance.
However, Abdullah prevented the protests from
spiralling out of control by dismissing the govern-
ment and significantly reforming the constitution.
Part of the reforms included the establishment of an
independent election commission. As a result, the
royal family has an image of being reform-oriented,
of espousing liberal values in a region historically
perceived to be authoritarian and rent seeking.
However, economic deprivation is turning public
sentiment against the monarchy. It is evident that
the king’s plans are not working, and that thepro-
posed “strategic refocus,” or the IMF’s structural
readjustment, will not solve Jordan’s problems. s

above: Jordan’s
refugee camps
accomodate
nearly seven
hundred thousand
registered Syrians
and over two
million Palestinian
refugees.

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