The Caravan – August 2019

(coco) #1

24 THE CARAVAN


nightinwhatcametobeknownasthe
Nelliemassacre.Similareventsoccured
ona smallerscaleinShillong,where
theviolenceagainstdkhars—outsid-
ers—continuedintothe1990s.
Thediscourseofprotectingthe
rightsofindigenouspeopleissostrong
thatfewintellectualshavecondemned
theseattemptsatethniccleansing
againstBengalis.Notonlydothe“in-
digenous”peoplecontrolthestate
machinery,theircivil-societygroups,
militantstudentorganisationsand
armedinsurgentoutfitsposea signif-
icantthreattotheregion’sminorities.
Thedifferencesinpositionbetweenthe
region’ssub-nationalistgroupsareof
degree,notkind.
Themostextremeexpressionofthe
indigenousAssameseidentitymove-
mentwastheUnitedLiberationFront
ofAsom,whichfoughttoestablishan
independentnation-stateofAssam.The
ULFAhadsupportersacrossthepolit-


icalspectrum,includingjournalists,
lawyers,activists,politiciansandaca-
demics.Itsarmedstrugglewaslargely
againsttheIndiangovernmentandbig
tea-estateowners,notjustpettyclerks
andtraders.Itsformergeneralsecre-
tary,AnupChetia,nowrunsanorgani-
sationcalledtheNorthEastIndigenous
People’sForum,anumbrellagroupof
organisationsthatworkfortherightsof
theindigenouspeopleofthenortheast.
Manyformersupportersofthe
ULFA,andsimilarotherarmedex-
tremistmovementsinstatessuchas
ManipurandNagaland,havenowbe-
comesupportersoftheBharatiyaJa-
nataParty.Inthestrugglebetweenthe
bignationalismofHindutvaandlittle
regionalnationalisms,bignationalism
hasprevailed.SarbanandaSonowal,
oncea leaderofkeybodiesoftheindig-
enous-Assamesemovement—theAll
AssamStudentsUnionandtheAsom
GanaParishad—isnowthechiefmin-


isterinAssam’sBJP-ledgovernment.
TheAssamBJP’sleadershippredom-
inantlycomprisesformerAssamese
jatiyobadis—meaningpractitionersof
jati-basedpolitics.Thewordjaticanbe
translatedasraceorcaste.
Thecommonaversionto“foreign-
ers,”meaningBangladeshimigrants,
helpedHindutvaabsorbjatiyobadisin
Assam.UpdatingtheNationalRegis-
terofCitizenstoidentifyforeigners
isa commongoalfortheBJPandthe
variousstrandsofAssameseandother
northeasternnationalists.Underthe
exercise,theonusisonthoseliving
inAssamtoproducedocumentsto
provetheircitizenshipforinclusion
intheNRC.Themediahasreported
onnumerouscasesofpeoplewhoare
evidentlyIndiancitizens,buthavebeen
leftoutoftheNRCduetoerrorsordoc-
umentationissues.Currently,4.1mil-
lionpeoplewhoareresidentsofAssam
havebeenexcludedfromtheNRC,and

areatriskofstatelessness.Thecentral
andstategovernmentshadsoughtto
carryouta samplere-verificationof 20
percentofthelistinlightoftheevident
errors,buttheirrequestwasturned
downbytheSupremeCourt—ledby
thecurrentchiefjustice,RanjanGogoi,
whohappenstobefromAssam.
Accordingtoproceduresapproved
earlierbytheSupremeCourtunder
Gogoi,“indigenous”peopleweregiv-
ena shortcuttoinclusionintheNRC.
Theycanbeincludedas“original
inhabitants”if theycansatisfythereg-
isteringauthoritythattheyareIndian
citizens.Thereisnodefinitionofwho
is“indigenous”oran“originalinhabi-
tant,”orhowtheregisteringauthority,
usuallya state-governmentclerk,isto
besatisfiedaboutcitizenship.Thus,
thosebelongingtoanethnicgroupcon-
sideredindigenousaremorelikelytobe
declared“originalinhabitants,”while
anyonewhohappenstobeBengalior

Nepaliispronetobeingconsidered a
foreigner—fromBangladeshorNepal—
untilprovenotherwise.
TheBJP’splanwiththeNRCis to
eventuallydisenfranchiseonlythe
Muslimsfromthoseexcluded.The Cit-
izenship(Amendment)Bill,expected
tobepassedlaterthisyear,would ease
thepathtocitizenshipfornon-Mus-
limsfromthislot.ThisiswhereHindu
nationalismisinconflictwiththe little
nationalismsofthenortheast,ofwhich
AssameseandNagasub-nationalisms
arethebiggest.Forthesenortheastern
nationalists,providingcitizenship to
non-Muslims—alargechunkofwhom
areBengaliHindus—isunpalatable.
Largely,supportersoflittlenation-
alismssupporttheNRCandoppose
theCitizenship(Amendment)Bill. The
Hindutvabrigadesupportsboththe
NRCandtheCitizenship(Amendment)
Bill.Theonlypeopleinopposition to
boththeNRC,becauseofitsevident
errors,andtheCitizenship(Amend-
ment)Bill,becauseofitsdiscrimina-
torynature,areliberalsandsections
oftheLeft.Thisisa tinyminority.
Honourableexceptionsapart,there is
a familiar,deafeningsilenceeven from
thelocalintelligentsiaonviolations of
thehuman-rightsoftheexcluded.
Theonlysafeoptionforanyone in
sucha situationistoclaimthemantle
ofindigeneity,whichconferscitizen-
ship,powerandrespectinsociety. If
a personofBengaliheritageisable to
reinventherselfas“indigenous,” she
canimmediatelygofrombeinga pow-
erlessoutsidertoa powerfulinsider.
ManyDuttas,Bhattacharjees,Choud-
hurysandGoswamisoverthedecades
havemadethisshift.TheMiyas, too,
reinventedthemselvesas“newAs-
samese”afterPartition,andarestill
atpainstodistancethemselvesfrom
theirBengaliroots.Ina recentinter-
viewwithTheWire, HafizAhmed, who
isalsothepresidentofanorganisation
ofBengali-originMuslimsinAssam,
said,“WeareBengal-originAssamese
Muslims.WearenotBengali.We are
notBengaliMuslims.”Thewriter of
theline“WritedownI ama Miya”
added,“Weneveraskedtobegiven the
Miyaidentity.”
Perhapsthisstatementwillabsolve
himofhiscrimeofpoetry. s

in the crosshairs · perspectives


Following the creation of East Pakistan, Assamese–Bengali


tensions came to be articulated in new terms. The ruling


elites claimed to be the “indigenous Assamese,” and cast


Bengalis as “foreigners,” claiming illegal immigration from


East Pakistan.


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