The Observer
04.08.19 17Fernanda Mena
Columnist, Folha de São Paulo, BrazilMany of my peers are anglophiles,
people who appreciate Britain as
the homeland of ideas of liberalism,
free markets and multiculturalism- all reinforced by the soft power of
British pop culture.
And as Brazilians we know that
Brits in general are better educated
than us. So it was quite shocking to
see people being driven by lies to
vote for Brexit – and betraying all
those principles of multiculturalism,
liberalism and free markets.
I was incredulous when I heard
the result, but looking back at the
time I spent studying in London,
there were things that could have
given me a sign of what was to
come. For example, the scandal that
broke in 2009 about Primark paying
very low wages to Manchester textile
workers – we never thought of the
British working-class as being as
exploited as workers in eastern Asia.
It looked mad that Britain wanted
to leave the world’s largest trading
bloc. In June, Brazil, as part of the
Mercosur economic area , signed a
major trade deal with the EU , so I
think the relationship we have with
the UK will be much weaker. My
impression with Brexit is that a lot
of companies will leave the UK. The
UK is still the fi fth-largest economy
but for how much longer? It appears
so self-centred, fi xated on its own
problems that it is currently out
of the global debate – it is losing
relevance quite quickly. I T
‘The UK appears
fi xated on its own
problems – it is
losing relevance
quite quickly’
Jen Kirby
Foreign and national security
reporter, Vox, USABrexit, and the rise of Boris Johnson,
is a drama Americans know they’re
supposed to pay attention to, if
only we weren’t so consumed by
our own. We get that the drama
is related. No one thought Britain
would vote to leave the E U, until it
did. No one thought Trump would
win the presidency, until he did.
What happened in the U K in June
2016 later looked like the harbinger
of America’s political upheaval. Or
maybe it felt more soothing that
way. Here, America may not have
wanted to be fi rst.
If the comparisons between
Trump and Brexit seemed
straightforward – the rise of
populism and right wing nationalism ;
the distrust of institutions and the
“elite” – it became clear the events
connected in deeper, murkier ways.
Misinformation became a feature
of both the referendum and the
presidential campaign : the UK had
the Brexit bus, the US had Trump’s
twitter feed. Fake news was amplifi ed
on social media, including by Russian
trolls. Cambridge Analytica appeared
as a villain in both. So, somehow, did
Steve Bannon.
Johnson’s ascension to prime
minister feels a bit like we still don’t
get it , that all the forces that made
Trump and Brexit possible have only
hardened in the three years since.
Johnson, Americans know, is the guy
that sold Brexit, and Brexit really‘Trump’s US doesn’t
look as desperate
for friends as the
UK does in its split
from the EU’
has not gone well. But his party, at
least, is buying into his vision, even
doubling down on it. It puts a knot in
our stomach about 2020.
Johnson isn’t exactly “Britain’s
Trump”. The ir commonalities are
mostly superfi cial: born in New York,
both have populist appeal despite
a privileged upbringing ; both court
controversy and are owners of
questionable hair styles. But Johnson
appears more savvy, more shrewd,
more deliberate. He’s Trump, if
Trump were in on the joke.
The end result might be the same
for both nations: leaders who cater
to the voters who buy into their
rhetoric, le aving everyone else to
condemn their lies. Two men who
should be cast off as ridiculous were
they not so capable of tapping into
anger, resentment, racism.
Johnson and Trump will meet
as heads of state at the G7 later
this month, and th e next, weirder
stage of the special relationship
will begin. It could be short-lived.
Trump’s presidency has strained
democratic alliances, and amplifi ed
some uncomfortable bonds, from
Jair Bolsonaro to Mohammad bin
Salman. But the US under Trump
doesn’t look as desperate for friends
as the UK does in its breakup with
the E U. The Brexite rs seem to think
that the US will be a better substitute
for the EU. But Trump can’t be
trusted , particularly not on trade,
where his one organi sing principle is
that everyone’s out to take advantage
of the U S. And even if Trump gets
along with Johnson now, he might
be looking over his shoulder for
someone better, or, really, just
Nigel Farage.Left to right:
the Netherlands,
Germany,
the US, Brazil.РЕЛИЗ
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