The New York Times International - 08.08.2019

(Barry) #1
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THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION THURSDAY, AUGUST 8, 2019 | 11

Whom do you trust on the internet to
keep you safe?
Trust no one, that’s what I always
say, given that one tech company after
another fails at protecting us: by tak-
ing advantage of our data, abrogating
responsibility for the vile hate that
courses over its platform, and finally
by endless publicly agonizing over
what to do about the mess it has creat-
ed.
After the past weekend’s tragic mass
shootings, the high stakes got even
higher, especially because one of the
sick gunmen had become enamored,
like many white nationalists, with the
cesspool that is the 8chan social net-
work, using it to post his bilious mani-
festo ahead of his nefarious acts of
violence.
“Cesspool of hate” is, in fact, the
phrase that the Cloudflare chief execu-
tive Matthew Prince used in a blog
post about finally deciding to stop
providing his security company’s
services to 8chan, noting, “Enough is
enough.”
Memo to Mr. Prince: Enough was
enough a very, very long time ago, and
being dragged kicking and screaming
into taking a stand and admitting that
there are real-world implications of the
online tools you have built is not brave
in any way. Welcome to the conversa-
tion, raging for a while now, about the
responsibility of tech companies to
control their inventions.
For far too long, too many tech
companies have been taking advan-
tage of the lowest-hanging fruit — from
chomping up our personal data to
letting anyone do anything on their
platforms — which has been the fast-
est way to create products that lead to
the most trouble. The business models
are part of the problem, and they can’t
be fixed with endless patches.
It’s long past time for the digital
giants to build safety into the DNA of
products from their conception. The
next crop of tech companies should
think about safety from the get-go.
Safety is a large bucket that in-
cludes, among other things, data pro-
tection, stopping the spread of hate,
protecting children and making sure
that the our news is not manipulated.
It’s about providing clear and transpar-

ent tools for consumers to get a better
handle on their online experiences.
The level at which we are all inter-
twined with digital demands that the
next wave of innovations be created
with a better awareness of their conse-
quences. It’s a societal imperative —
and it’s also a business opportunity.
The good news is that there are
glimmers of hope everywhere — like
Apple’s new credit card, which I’ve
been testing over the last several days.
It will be rolled out
on Tuesday to a
small number of
people who have
signed up for it and
will launch more
broadly later this
summer.
No surprise that
it’s built for the
iPhone and its
Wallet app, and the
setup is pretty
seamless, as long as
your credit is good.
Its daily cash-back
feature is a nice
touch, putting money on your cash
card for every day purchases.
But perks like those are now just
table stakes for the credit-card busi-
ness. More important for Apple — and
for all tech companies — is to create
products that can be trusted.
In this case, Apple appears to be
doing the right things: the card has a
unique, encrypted number stored
locally on your device; real-time views
of purchases in the app; a nifty pay-

ment calculator that lets you see just
how much you are spending on inter-
est and tips on how to avoid that. Most
important, the card has a privacy
architecture that does not give Apple
any information about where, when
and what you bought.
Not trading on my data? Hey, Face-
book, Amazon, Google, are you listen-
ing?
Apple is not perfect, of course, but
the way it has designed the card to
address privacy concerns — even if it’s
taking advantage of a business oppor-
tunity — is something I would like to
see more of from all tech companies.
And it’s the kind of offering that I
would like to see consumers demand
more of.
We should have social networks that
do not rely solely on advertising. We
should have communications platforms
that really care about healthy conver-
sations. We should have video services
that focus intently on keeping users
safe. We should have platforms that
are not havens for haters and killers.
Instead, what we have today, as I
have written before, are giant digital
cities that were built without adequate
police, fire, medical or safety person-
nel, decent street signs or any kind of
rules that would make them work
smoothly.
And, so, we feel unsafe — because
we are.

KARA SWISHER is editor at large for the
technology news website Recode and
producer of the Recode Decode podcast
and Code Conference.

Trust no one online

The internet
remains a
swamp of hate
that can lead
to terrible
violence.
But some
companies
like Apple see
the benefit in
protecting
users.

ILLUSTRATION BY JEFFREY HENSON SCALES, PHOTOGRAPHS BY XIJIAN/ISTOCK AND DANIEL SAMBRAUS/PHOTOGRAPHER’S CHOICE, VIA GETTY IMAGES PLUS

Kara Swisher
Contributing Writer

Could an emerging technology reshape
the battle lines in the abortion debate?
Since Roe v. Wade was decided in 1973,
that fight has been defined by the inter-
locking, absolute values of choice and
life: For some, a woman’s right to
choose trumps any claim to a right to life
by the fetus; for others, it’s the reverse.
But what if we could separate those
two — what if a woman’s choice to termi-
nate a pregnancy no longer meant
terminating the fetus itself?
That is the promise of artificial
wombs, a technology that has already
shown some success in tests on sheep
fetuses. Early in a ewe’s pregnancy, the
lamb fetus is removed from her body
and placed in a synthetic uterine envi-
ronment in which it receives nutrients
and fluids, and continues to develop to
term, a process researchers call ectoge-
nesis.
Artificial human wombs are still far in
the future, and there are of course other
ethical issues to consider. But for now,
the technology is developed enough to
raise new questions for the abortion
debate.
In a 2017 issue of the journal Bio-
ethics, two philosophers, Jeremy V.
Davis, a visiting professor at the United
States Military Academy at West Point,
and Eric Mathison, a postdoctoral asso-
ciate at Baylor College of Medicine,
argue that while a woman has a right to
remove a fetus from her body, she does
not have the right to kill it. The problem
is that, for now, the latter is inherent in
the former.
Their argument builds upon that of
the pro-choice philosopher Judith Jarvis
Thompson, who famously argued in her
1971 paper “A Defense of Abortion” that
women have a right to not carry a fetus
for nine months — but that women do
not have a right to be guaranteed the

death of the fetus.
Such arguments point toward a dis-
junction in the abortion debate. Ectoge-
nesis is the answer.
Synthetic wombs have an appeal far
beyond the abortion debate, of course.
They could revolutionize premature
birth, which the World Health Organiza-
tion calls the number one cause of death
among children under 5.
The most advanced research in ecto-
genesis is underway at Children’s Hos-
pital of Philadelphia, where sheep fe-
tuses have been removed from their
mothers’ bodies after 105 to 120 days —
the equivalent, in a human, of 22 to 24
weeks — and placed in “biobags,” clear
plastic containers filled with amniotic
fluid. So far the lambs have developed
with few complica-
tions.
Biobag technol-
ogy could be avail-
able for humans in
as little as one to
three years, accord-
ing to Dr. Alan
Flake, a fetal sur-
geon in charge of
the Children’s
Hospital of Phila-
delphia artificial
womb experiments. Another team
performing ectogenesis research at the
University of Michigan also believes
they could have devices ready for hu-
mans in a similar time frame.
Some major supporters of artificial
wombs are transhumanists, who be-
lieve in using technology to improve
human health, intelligence and quality
of life. Women’s rights activists likewise
support the research, aiming to free the
female body.
But the promise of artificial wombs
should appeal most to conservatives
looking to reduce the 600,000 abortions
performed annually in the United
States, but pessimistic about the chance
of overturning Roe any time soon. Ev-
ery fetus that was going to be aborted

but instead makes it into an artificial
womb could be considered a life saved.
Dr. Daniel Deen, an assistant profes-
sor of philosophy at Concordia Univer-
sity in Irvine, Calif., recently said in an
interview with the website Leapsmag:
“If the technology gets developed, I
could not see any Christians, liberal or
conservative, arguing that people seek-
ing abortion ought not opt for a ‘trans-
fer’ versus an abortive procedure.”
Obviously, the idea that science could
short-circuit a moral debate is discom-
forting for some. As artificial wombs
improve, biobags are likely to become a
hot-button topic for conservatives, who
will have to decide how far they want to
use technology to accomplish their
ethical goals.
There are practical challenges, too:
Artificial womb transplants and births
are sure to be dramatically more expen-
sive than the typical 15-minute abortion
procedure, which costs around $500.
And if even a quarter of those fetuses
that would have been aborted are
brought to term artificially, 150,
babies a year would be born, almost all
of them likely to be put up for adoption
— more than the total number of annual
adoptions in the United States. Who will
pay for those procedures, and who will
care for those children once they are
born?
It is unlikely that the abortion debate
will be resolved soon — certainly not as
a legal matter. But as a practical and
philosophical one, artificial wombs offer
a way for both sides in the debate to
move forward. The only question is
whether we are willing to accept the
increasingly central — and beneficial —
role that technology can play in resolv-
ing what were once considered immuta-
ble human problems.

ZOLTAN ISTVAN writes and lectures about
transhumanism. His new book is “The
Futuresist Cure,” and he is the subject
of the documentary “Immortality or
Bust.”

Zoltan Istvan

LUCY JONES

The artificial womb revolution

The technology
would allow
fetuses to
develop outside
the womb so
women would
no longer have
to be pregnant.

opinion

abuses, especially repression of minor-
ities in other countries — from the
Uighurs in China to Shiites in Bahrain
and Christians throughout the Middle
East — is thwarted in ways lasting and
immeasurable.
Dictators around the world encoun-
ter no opprobrium from our govern-
ment and are comforted to find a fellow
traveler in rhetoric and policies that
demean his own people. In case any-
one needs reminding: A majority of the
world is populated by what we Ameri-
cans call “people of color.”
To fight terrorism or prevent the
spread of pandemic disease, to stem
weapons proliferation or organized
criminal organizations, to address
climate change or punish outlaw
states, we need the willing cooperation
of nations around the world. None of
these transnational security challenges
can be combated effectively by the
United States alone.
With the president increasingly
alienating our allies and insulting
potential partners as “shithole” coun-
tries, America is hardly well positioned
to call upon the good will and coopera-
tion of other states when next we need
it most.
Moreover, in our intensified competi-
tion with China for influence in Asia
and markets globally, we are hobbled
by the contrast between a president
who embraces white nationalist
mantras and holds people around the
world in disdain, and China, which is
still perceived by many developing
countries as more sympathetic to the
world’s underdogs despite its auto-
cratic government.
Most dangerously, President Trump
is serving up to our adversaries an

ever more divided and weakened
America, one that is animated by
suspicion, rived by hatred of the
“other” and increasingly incapable of
uniting in the face of external threats.
Russia, above all, continues to exploit
and exacerbate these divisions.
During the 2016 presidential cam-
paign, Russian trolls stoked American
white nationalism while amplifying
black anger about police brutality in an
effort to suppress the African-Ameri-
can vote. Today, President Vladimir
Putin of Russia
continues to use
social media to un-
dermine America’s
democracy and
provoke internal
conflict. Other adver-
saries may seek to
do the same, know-
ing that their efforts
will be aided and
abetted by our divid-
er in chief with his
twitchy Twitter
fingers and a bastardized view of how
to use the bully pulpit. America’s do-
mestic fault lines remain its greatest
national security vulnerability, and
race is our oldest and deepest rift.
When the president deliberately and
repeatedly rubs salt in those wounds,
while coddling the authoritarian oppo-
nents who exploit them, we must reluc-
tantly ask ourselves: Is he playing on
America’s team?

A president’s poison

R ICE, FROM PAGE 1

SUSAN E. RICE , the national security
adviser from 2013 to 2017 and a former
United States ambassador to the
United Nations, is the author of the
forthcoming memoir “Tough Love: My
Story of the Things Worth Fighting For.”

President
Trump is
serving up
to our
adversaries
an ever more
divided and
weakened
America.

An Opinion essay on July 30, “The Mos-
quitoes Are Coming for Us,” misspelled
the surname of an early malariologist at
Walter Reed Army Medical Center. He
was W.D. Tigertt, not W.D. Tiggert.

An Aug. 1 Opinion piece, “Putin’s Fancy
Weapons? Everything Old Is New Again,”
erroneously attributed a distinction to
Nazi Germany’s V-1 “buzz bombs.” They
were not powered by the first ramjets,
but by pulsejets.

CORRECTIONS

Whose Amazon forest?
Re “Destruction of Amazon Rain Forest
Accelerates” (front page, July 29):
I’ve been working on small, organic
farms for the last six years with the aim
to start my own. As someone whose
livelihood depends on climate stability, I
feel acutely aware of the threat of cli-
mate change.
I’m disturbed by the claim by Presi-
dent Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil that “the
Amazon is ours, not yours.” This state-
ment represents a belief that plagues
the world: the false notion that the
earth can be parceled out, that it exists
only as a resource for exploitation and
that it can be contained within the
boundaries of countries.
The laws that govern ecosystems
exist beyond human ideology; any
farmer worth his or her salt knows this.
What happens in one corner of our
planet affects all the rest; tearing out
the Amazon, the earth’s lung, for the
short-term gain of the few dooms the
whole.
As a global community, we need to
find our way to a narrative of collective
responsibility rather than the reigning
ideology of myopic self-interest.
LUCIA KEARNEY, AFTON, MINN.

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