C4 WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 7, 2019 LATIMES.COM/BUSINESS
Consumers are paying
higher interest rates on their
credit card balances than
they have in more than a
quarter-century, and the
Federal Reserve’s rate cuts
are no guarantee that they
will receive much relief.
The average rate on inter-
est-bearing card accounts
topped 17% in May, accord-
ing to Fed data, the highest
in the 25 years that the cen-
tral bank has been making
the calculation. Weekly data
based on a Creditcards.com
survey of 100 national card
issuers found an average
rate of 17.8% at the end of
July, another multi-decade
high.
Card rates rose from
long-term lows as the Fed
gradually increased its
benchmark interest rate be-
tween late 2015 and the end
of last year.
But card issuers pushed
up rates faster than the Fed,
with the result that the
spread between the Fed
benchmark and what card
borrowers pay, at just under
15%, has been wider only
once: in the third quarter of
2009, with rates on the floor.
Analysts point to two
groups that have contrib-
uted to the aggressive in-
crease in rates by card-issu-
ing banks: lawmakers and
customers themselves.
The Credit Card Ac-
countability Responsibility
and Disclosure Act of 2009, a
U.S. law designed to protect
cardholders from exploita-
tion, put limits on banks’
ability to raise interest rates
on existing balances. The
card issuers “can’t reprice
you once they sell you a card
— so they have to price
[more risks] in,” said John
Hecht of Jefferies, a broker.
Another factor, he said,
was that customers were not
focused on what rates they
would pay but instead on
what perks, such as cash
back and airline miles, their
cards brought.
“When you hear [bank]
management teams talking
about competition in cards,
it doesn’t take place in terms
of rates but in terms of re-
wards,” Hecht said.
Card rates are often set
by adding a premium to a
fluctuating index — most
often the prime rate, the low-
est rate banks make avail-
able to nonbank customers.
The prime rate in turn is di-
rectly related to the federal
funds rate, set by the Federal
Reserve.
After the central bank’s
decision to cut its bench-
mark last week, both JPMor-
gan and Citigroup, the top
two U.S. card banks by loan
volume, dropped their
prime rates by a quarter of
1%. This will flow through to
the rates paid by many card-
holders, at least initially. But
card rates and prime rates
do not move in tandem.
Brian Riley of Mercator, a
research group, pointed out
that since 2014, prime rates
had risen by 1.25 percentage
points, to an average of 5.5%,
while card rates were up 3.95
percentage points, more
than three times as much.
Card companies have
also found other ways to in-
crease what customers pay,
for example by using annual
fees, foreign transaction fees
and fees on balance trans-
fers, said Ted Rossman of
Creditcards.com.
“I don’t think this [Fed]
rate cut is a big gain to con-
sumers with credit card debt
— [their] rate is already high
and even if it goes down
slightly... [they] very well
might end up paying higher
fees in other areas,” Ross-
man said.
For banks, the wide
spread between the cost of
money and what they can
charge borrowers has made
the card business especially
profitable relative to other
kinds of lending, especially
given that default rates re-
main very low by historical
standards. At JPMorgan,
revenue from card lending
rose 11%, to $16.4 billion, in
2 018.
There is about $850 bil-
lion in outstanding credit
card debt in the U.S., accord-
ing to the Fed. That is a
record dollar amount, but as
a proportion of gross domes-
tic product, the figure has
declined from 6% to 4% over
the last decade.
© The Financial Times Ltd.
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Times Ltd. Not to be
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CITIGROUP ISthe No. 2 U.S. card-issuing bank by loan volume. The average rate on interest-bearing cards
topped 17% in May, a 25-year high, according to the Federal Reserve, which cut interest rates last week.
Emmanuel DunandAFP/Getty Images
Fed rate cut may not ease
soaring credit card interest
By Robert Armstrong
Stocks closed broadly
higher Tuesday as Wall
Street regained its footing
the day after the market had
its biggest decline of the
year.
The bounce pushed the
Dow Jones industrial aver-
age up more than 300 points
and ended a six-day losing
streak for the Standard &
Poor’s 500 index, though
that benchmark index re-
couped only a little more
than a third of its Monday
losses.
China’s decision to stabi-
lize its currency put in-
vestors in a buying mood.
The move helped allay some
of the market’s jitters over
the escalating U.S.-China
trade war at a time when in-
vestors are anxious about
falling U.S. corporate profits
and a global economy that is
showing signs of slowing.
“We’re getting a nice
move here, but if you look at
what the tone of the market
might be for the next few
days, it still could be under
some pressure,” said Jeff
Kravetz, regional invest-
ment director for U.S. Bank
Wealth Management. “Right
now investors are quite nerv-
ous, and the reason for the
nervousness is not only the
trade issue, but we’re also
seeing weakening economic
data, not only here, but over-
seas.”
The S&P 500 index rose
37.03 points, or 1.3%, to
2,881.77. It dropped 3% on
Monday, its biggest loss
since December.
The Dow climbed 311.78
points, or 1.2%, to 26,029.52.
The Nasdaq composite ad-
vanced 107.23 points, or 1.4%,
to 7,833.27. The Russell 2000
index of smaller companies
ticked up 14.67 points, or 1%,
to 1,502.09.
Stock indexes in Europe
finished sharply lower.
Investors have grown
more nervous about the ef-
fect that the U.S.-China
trade war could have on the
economy and corporate
profits. The conflict heated
from a simmer to a boil last
week, even as both sides re-
sumed negotiations.
But China’s decision to
let its currency stabilize
Tuesday suggests Beijing
might hold off from aggres-
sively allowing the yuan to
weaken as a way to respond
to U.S. tariffs on Chinese
goods. That offered some
hope that the sides might try
to keep the situation from
escalating further.
Technology stocks,
which bore the brunt of
Monday’s sell-off, accounted
for a big share of the gains
Tuesday. Apple and Micro-
soft each rose 1.9%.
Wells Fargo gained 1.7%
and Bank of America 1.2%.
Solid earnings results
helped lift other sectors. An-
imal health company Zoetis
climbed 7.6%, leading
healthcare stocks higher.
Retailers, communication
services companies and in-
dustrial firms also notched
solid gains. Foot Locker rose
3.4%. Energy stocks dropped
along with the price of crude
oil.
Bond yields had an early
gain, but then fell after a gov-
ernment report suggesting a
cooling U.S. job market.
The quarterly earnings
report season is in its final
stretch, and results haven’t
been as bad as initially
feared, though they’re still
down from year-earlier lev-
els. Profits for companies in
the S&P 500 are now ex-
pected to shrink roughly 1%.
That’s better than the nearly
3% drop expected earlier.
More than three-quarters of
the S&P 500 companies have
reported financial results.
International Flavors &
Fragrance shares tumbled
15.9% after the company is-
sued a disappointing earn-
ings report and trimmed its
forecast.
Novartis fell 2.8% after
the Food and Drug Adminis-
tration disclosed that it is re-
viewing the accuracy of data
on Zolgensma, a drug for
treating spinal muscular at-
rophy in children.
Gold rose $7.80 to
$1,472.40 an ounce. Silver
rose 6 cents to $16.41 an
ounce.
Index
Dow industrials
S&P 500
Nasdaq composite
S&P 400
Russell 2000
EuroStoxx 50
Nikkei(Japan)
Hang Seng(Hong Kong)
Close
Daily
change
Daily % YTD %
26,029.52 +311.78 +1.21 +11.58
2,881.77 +37.03 +1.30 +14.96
7,833.27 +107.22 +1.39 +18.05
1,883.50 +22.67 +1.22 +13.26
1,502.09 +14.68 +0.99 +11.38
3,022.30 -21.76 -0.71 +9.50
20,585.31 -134.98 -0.65 +2.85
25,976.24 -175.08 -0.67 +0.61
Major stock indexes
change change
Source: AP
MARKET ROUNDUP
Stocks rally a day
after big declines
associated press
customers and providers
often must jump through to
get claims paid impose
costly complexity on the
system, not simplicity.
Programs to manage
chronic diseases remain
rare, and the real threat to
patients with those condi-
tions was lack of access to
insurance — until the Af-
fordable Care Act made
such exclusion illegal.
Private insurers don’t do
nearly as well as Medicare in
holding down costs, in part
because the more they pay
hospitals and doctors, the
more they can charge in
premiums and the more
money flows to their bottom
lines.
They haven’t shown
notable skill in managing
chronic diseases or bringing
pro-consumer innovations
to the table.
Insurers cite these goals
when they try to get mergers
approved by government
antitrust regulators. An-
them and Cigna, for exam-
ple, asserted in 2016 that
their merger would produce
nearly $2 billion in “annual
synergies,” thanks to im-
proved “operational” and
“network efficiencies.”
The pitch has a long
history. The architects of a
wave of health insurance
mergers in the 2000s also
proclaimed a new era of
efficient technology and
improved customer service,
but studies of prior mergers
show that this nirvana
seldom comes to pass. The
best example may be that of
Aetna’s 1996 merger with
U.S. Healthcare in a deal it
hoped would give it access
to the booming HMO mar-
ket.
According to a 2004
analysis by UC Berkeley
health economist James C.
Robinson, the merger be-
came a “near-death” experi-
ence for Aetna. The deal was
expected to bring about
“millions in enrollment and
billions in revenue to pres-
sure physicians and hospi-
tals” to accept lower reim-
bursement rates, he wrote.
“The talk was all about
complementarities, syner-
gies, and economies of
scale.... The reality quickly
turned out to be one of
incompatible product de-
signs, operating systems,
sales forces, brand images,
and corporate cultures.”
Aetna surged from 13.7
million customers in 1996 to
21 million in 1999, but profits
collapsed from a margin of
nearly 14% in 1998 to a loss in
2001.
Even when they don’t
happen, insurance merger
deals cost customers bil-
lions of dollars. That’s what
happened when two pro-
posed deals — Aetna-Hu-
mana and Anthem-Cigna —
broke down on a single day
in 2017. The result was that
Aetna owed Humana $1.8
billion and Anthem owed
Cigna $1.85 billion in break-
up fees — money taken out
of the medical treatment
economy and transferred
from one set of shareholders
to another.
In reality, Americans
don’t like their private
health insurance so much as
they blindly tolerate it.
That’s because the vast
majority of Americans don’t
have a complex interaction
with the healthcare system
in any given year, and most
never will. As we’ve reported
before, 1% of patients ac-
count for more than one-
fifth of all medical spending
and 10% account for two-
thirds. Fifty percent of
patients account for only 3%
of all spending.
Most families face at
most a series of minor ail-
ments that can be routinely
managed — childhood
immunizations, a broken
arm here or there, a bout of
the flu. The question is what
happens when someone
does have a complex issue
and a complex claim —
they’re hit by a truck or get a
cancer diagnosis, for in-
stance?
“We gamble every year
that we’re going to stay
healthy and injury-free,”
Potter says. When we lose
the gamble, that’s when all
the inadequacies of the
private insurance system
come to the fore. Con-
fronted with the prospect of
expensive claims, private
insurers try to constrain
customers’ choices — lim-
iting recovery days spent in
the hospital, limiting doc-
tors’ latitude to try different
therapies, demanding to be
consulted before approving
surgical interventions.
Indeed, the history of
American healthcare re-
form is largely a chronicle of
steps taken to protect the
unserved groups from com-
mercial health insurance
practices.
When commercial health
insurance became insinuat-
ed into the American
healthcare system following
World War II via employer
plans, it quickly became
clear who was left behind —
“those who were retired, out
of work, self-employed, or
obliged to take a low-paying
job without fringes,” sociolo-
gist Paul Starr wrote in his
magisterial 1982 book “The
Social Transformation of
American Medicine.” The
process even left those
groups worse off, Starr
observed, because insur-
ance contributed to medical
inflation while insulating
only those with health
plans. “Government inter-
vention was required just to
address the inequities.”
Insurers wouldn’t cover
the aged or retirees, so
Medicare was born in 1965.
Insurers refused to cover
kidney disease patients
needing dialysis, so Con-
gress in 1973 carved out an
exception allowing those
patients to enroll in Medi-
care at any age. (So much
for addressing the “burden
of chronic disease.”)
Individual buyers were
charged much more for
coverage than those buying
group plans through their
employers — or were barred
from the marketplace en-
tirely because of their medi-
Private health insurance companies are worse than useless
CIGNAand Anthem said a merger would save nearly $2 billion. The deal failed, costing customers a bundle.
Matt RourkeAssociated Press
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