The Boston Globe - 07.08.2019

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WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 7, 2019 The Boston Globe Opinion A

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Theuglylegacy

ofRonaldReagan

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Policiesthat Reaganput in place
are unforgivable

Taymullah Abdur-Rahman’s op-edin Friday’s Globe(“It’s
actions, not words, that made Reagan a racist,” Aug 2)
stood in stark contrast to the column published just the day
before by Patti Davis, Ronald Reagan’s daughter, for The
Washington Post. Stunningly stark contrast, actually.
I can hardly be critical of Davis for remembering her
father as she does (don’t most of us want to remember our
parents fondly?), and saying that he would have asked for
forgiveness for the remarkhe made in conversation with
RichardNixon in 1971.
But what cannot be forgiven, ever, as Imam Abdur-Rah-
man enumerates, is what Reagan launched: the demoniza-
tion of government and the summary and deliberate dis-
mantling of the American social safety net — strategies
that, for generations now, have disproportionately affected
families and individuals of color. Sadly, we have Davis’s fa-
ther to thank for the crisis in our democracy today. It has
been buildingfor a long time, and it began with Reagan.
MAIAFARISH
Providence

In East Africa in ’71, goodworks and
goodwill were answer to bad leaders
In October 1971, when Ronald Reagan and Richard Nixon
had their little racist chat, several members of Teachers for
East Africa and Teacher Education in East Africa were in
Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda for the US Agency for
International Development, teaching their students,who
(notwithstanding Reagan’s remark about footwear) were
delightfully shoe-shod. Participants in the Peace Corps and
otherinstitutions whose social relevance far exceededthat
of both Reagan and Nixon were doingthe same.Whilethey
and their fellow teachers had gone into the field on the
wingsof John F. Kennedy’s idealism, they labored on, not
giving a hoot about Nixon and Reagan. We learned at the
time, and then on repeated visits, that the legacies of JFK
and Barack Obama are the only presidential legacies that
linger.
E. BROOKS GODDARD
President
Teachers for East AfricaAlumni/TEAA
Needham

El Paso, Dayton — two massshootings in 24 hoursin the
so-called greatest country on earth. Uh-huh.
John Paul Stevens,the longtime Supreme Court justice
who died last month, at 99, had the only realistic answer:
Repealthe Second Amendment.
That will not meanno guns. If you can demonstrate a le-
gitimate needor reason, you’d still be able to own a gun,
but as a privilege subject to rules.
It’s the way people live in more civilized countries. We
have nothing to lose but our massacres.
FAYE GEORGE
Bridgewater

Repeal the Second Amendment

In his article about an op-ed I wrote 22 years ago regarding
lowering the age of consent, Martin Finucanequotes critics
who say my ideas are “off the deep end” (“Alan Dershowitz
defendsop-edsuggesting that age of consent for sex should
be lowered,” BostonGlobe.com, July 30). Finucanenever
asked me to respond. Had he called me, I wouldhave
explained the background and context of my op-ed.
It grew out of a case in which a college freshman had a
relationship with a high school senior two years his junior.
Her parentsdisapproved and called the police. His
girlfriend refused to testify against him and was threatened
with contempt. He asked for my advice, and I told him that
I thought a constitutional argumentcould be madebased
on the age of consent for choosing whether to have an
abortion or a baby. Proponents of women’s rights were
appropriately pushing for a reduction in the age of consent
for abortion. I suggested that if the right to choose is
constitutionally based on procreative freedom,then it
might follow, as a matter of constitutional law, that a
female old enoughto have the freedom to choose abortion
should be deemedold enoughto decide whether to have
sex. The lawyer used my argument, and the case ultimately
was resolved in his client’s favor.
This case led me to think in general termsabout the age
of consent, which varies fromstate to state. States in which
18 is the age of consent accord prosecutors enormous
discretion to selectively prosecute young men based on
race and economic status. A high percentage of teenagers
engage in sex before the formal age of consent. Many
prosecuted cases involve minority men. Somestates have
enacted “Romeo and Juliet” statutes, whichdecriminalize
sex below the age of consent when the older person is close
in age to the younger one. That is the right approach as a
matter of policy. But as a matter of constitutional law, it
would be difficult to justify a statute that gave a 17-year-old
the right to choose to have sex, but denied her the right to
have sex with a 30- or 40-year-old.
I wrote my op-ed as a provocative think piece, designed
to stimulate debate. I have written morethan 1,
articles, many of themaboutcontroversial subjects such as
torture warrants. Some people agree with my arguments
while others disagree, but no one criticized me personally
or challenged my motives until now.
So let’s continue to debate these issues on the merits.
Let’s stop the ad hominem attacks. And let’s stop trying to
manufacture false motives for why I wrote that and other
articles. Instead, let’s focus on what the best approach is for
women, men, and the rule of law.
ALANDERSHOWITZ
Martha’s Vineyard

Alan Dershowitz wants
his ’97 op-edseen in context

O


n Aug. 12, 2017in
Charlottesville, Va., an avowed
neo-Nazi plowed his car into a
crowdof anti-racist protesters,
killing Heather Heyer. A white
man killed 11 people at a Pittsburgh
synagogue last October. In March, a white
Australian man massacred more than 50
people at two mosques in New Zealand.
Last weekend, a 21-year-old white man
allegedly drove10 hoursto a Walmart in El
Paso, opening fire on shoppers. At least 22
people weremurdered, most of them
Hispanic.
These are all the sons of President
Trump.
So, too, is Cesar A. Sayoc Jr., sentenced
this weekto 20 yearsin prisonfor sending
homemade pipe bombs to prominent
figureshe deemed enemiesof the president.
That noneof the bombsdetonated is beside
the point. Sayoc wantedto maimand kill
peoplethe president often criticizedand
mocked.
What linksthese men to the president is
deeper than biology, thoughI suspect they
likely have similar hearts devoid of empathy
and brains atrophied from racist animosity.
Men who murder in the name of white
nationalism shareTrump’s ideological DNA.
They are bound to him by foundational
beliefs about race and supremacy that have
been sustained for centuries by rhetoric and
laws, the lash and noose, and bombsand
bullets.
On the Sunday morning talk shows, Mick
Mulvaney, Trump’s acting chief of staff,
claimed the suspected El Paso shooter
harbored racist thoughts “for a long time,
even before President Trump got elected.”

While that may be true, this is also a fact:
Trump’s own words echoed in the accused
murderer’s desultory manifesto.
It’s one thingto holda personal
grudge against blackand brownpeople.
It’s quite anotherwhenthe president
articulates thosefearsand resentments,
intoningin uncoded
language that for America
to be great again, these
peopleshould“go back”
wherever they came from.
The El Paso shooter railed
against “fake news” and
warned of what he called a
“Hispanicinvasion.” According
to a Boston Globeanalysis,
Trump has used variationsof
“invasion” at least 33 timesin
tweets, interviews, and
speechessince last fall. On
Facebook,Trump’s reelection
campaignhas posted more
than 2,000 ads with the word“invasion.”
The New Zealand massacre suspect
called Trump “a symbolof renewed white
identity and commonpurpose.” The man
accused of targeting Jews in Pittsburgh
spoke of a “caravan” of Central American
migrants threatening this country, the same
term Trump used to whip up anti-
immigrant panic before the 2018 midterm
elections.
This is why the president’s recent
condemation of racism and white
supremacy was such an empty exercise.
Reading words crafted by some
speechwriter, he meant none of it. If he did,
he would have specifically mentioned and
lifted the Latinx communities in El Paso and

beyond, shaken to their core by this
devastating hate crime. Of course, he didn’t
because that is not what his base wantsto
hear.
Every wave of violent white terrorism
is predicated on the idea that America
was created by and for white people.
This ignores the fact
that ours is a stolen
land, one built on the
brutalsubjugation of an
entire race for nearly
350 years. With Trump
illuminating their path,
his ideological kin are
acting out their
patriarchal pathology,
putting lives and
democracy at risk.
At a May rally in
Florida, Trump asked
how migrants could be
stopped from crossing the
southern border. Whensomeone shouted,
“Shoot ’em,” Trump smiled, then joked,
“That’s only in the Panhandle can you get
away with that statement.” The crowd
whooped and cheered.
Remember thosecheersthe next time —
and in this nation, there’s always a next time
— a white man hearsTrump’s ugly words as
a call to action. Hate may have “no placein
this country,” as Trump said after the El Paso
massacre, but as his “sons” recognize, it sure
has madeitself mighty comfortable in the
White House.

Renée Graham can be reached at
[email protected]. Follow her on
Twitter @reneeygraham.

RENÉE GRAHAM

Trump’s ideological sons

background gun-check system to cover private
sales. One of the senators voting no was
Florida’s Marco Rubio.
In an interview the next morning on CBS,
he explained that such a law wouldn’t have
prevented the latest massshooting. Neither of
the San Bernardino killers was on any data-
base; their backgroundchecks had been clean.
When cohost Gayle King asked him about the

B

arely had the massacres in El
Paso and Dayton ended than
the clamor began for the gov-
ernment to “Do Something”
about weapons used in mass
shootings.
Once again there wereimpassioned
calls for “common-sense” gun control,
above all for more sweeping background
checks before guns are purchased. “Back-
ground checks,” declared Michael
Bloomberg, the former New York mayor,
are “the two most important words in this
debate.” Leading Democrats, including
Senators Sherrod Brown, Chuck Schumer,
and Bernie Sanders, demanded that Con-
gress pass a law mandating a “universal”
background check on all gun purchases. So
did President Trump,tweeting that both
political parties must “come together and
get strong backgroundchecks.”
In reality, the overwhelming majority of
gun sales already require a background
check. Anyone who buys a gun froma li-
censed dealer — whether in person or on-
line, in a store or at a gun show — must be
cleared by the FBI before the weapon is de-
livered. Every year the federal government
conducts more than 25 million such back-
ground checks. The only time the require-
ment doesn’t apply is when someone ac-
quires a gun locally froma private individ-
ual, such as a friend or relative. That’s the
so-called “gunshowloophole,” which has
nothing to do with gun shows and isn’t a
loophole, since it doesn’t apply to anyone
in the business of selling guns.
Enacting “universal” background
checks would mean forcing private citizens
who aren’t gun dealers to go through the
FBI before they can sell a gun to their next-
door neighbor or their sister-in-law. That
would impose a considerable burdenon
the personal affairs of private individuals.
But would it “do something” about mass
shootings?
This isn’t a new question, and the an-
swer shouldn’t be in doubt. Yet somehow it
remains a mystery to a lot of people, even
those concerned with public affairs.
In December 2015, two terrorists
carrying rifles and semiautomatic pistols
murdered 14 victims in a massshooting at
the Inland Regional Center in San
Bernardino, Calif. The next day, the US
Senate voted on a bill to expand the federal

bio was exactly correct. No proposed new
law could have prevented those massacres.
Mass shootings are not caused because
Congress hasn’t passed “universal” back-
ground checks. In almost every instance,
the killers buy their guns legally. “Would
stronger background checks have stopped
El Paso and Dayton?” asked CNNon Mon-
day. Based on everything known so far, no.
Everyone is horrified when a gunman
goes on a rampage and turns a school, a
church, or a nightclub into a bloodbath.
Everyone wants to “do something” to make
it stop. But guns are already among the
most intrusively regulated products in
American life, and only a vanishingly tiny
fraction of the firearms owned in the Unit-
ed States are ever used to commit a crime.
Mass shootings themselves account for on-
ly a minuscule fraction of US homicides —
and gun violence in America is muchless
common than it was 25 yearsago.
If there were a “common sense” gun
regulation that could unfailingly foil mass
shootings, we would have adopted it long
ago. There isn’t. We are morally bound to
try and prevent such carnage, but common
sense — and history — says more gun con-
trol won’t do it.

Jeff Jacoby can be reached at
[email protected]. Follow him
on Twitter @jeff_jacoby.

“many other cases” where such a
law could have prevented a massa-
cre, Rubio politely replied that such
cases don’t exist.
In “none of the major shootings that have
occurred in this country over the last few
months or years that have outraged us,” he
said, “would [new] gun laws have prevented
them.”
A Washington Post staffer urged the paper’s
Fact Checker to scrutinize Rubio’s claim, “sug-
gesting that it was almost certainly incorrect.”
So the Fact Checker pored through “reams of
data,” examining every massshooting since
the Sandy Hook school slaughter in Newtown,
Conn., in December 2012. Its conclusion: Ru-

JEFF JACOBY

No, expandedbackground checks

wouldn’t prevent mass shootings

GLOBESTAFF; ADOBE

Men who

murderin the

nameof white

nationalism

shareTrump’s

ideological

DNA.

GLOBEFILEPHOTOS
JamesFieldsJr., accusedin Charlottesvillecarattack;Robert Bowers,accusedin thePittsburghsynagogue
shooting; PatrickCrusius,accusedEl Paso shooter; and Cesar SayocJr., convictedforsendingpipebombs.
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