The New York Times - 30.07.2019

(Brent) #1

THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONALTUESDAY, JULY 30, 2019 N A


LONDON — Prime Minister
Boris Johnson’s first appearance
in Scotland as Britain’s new leader
seemed to be going just fine on
Monday when he spoke from be-
hind the perimeter fence of a top
security naval base.
But when he braved the streets
of Edinburgh to meet with Scot-
land’s first minister at her resi-
dence, a crowd met him with a
chorus of jeers and boos.
He left by the back door.
If Mr. Johnson’s bumbling, up-
per-class persona goes down well
in many parts of England, it tends
to have the opposite effect in Scot-
land.
After all, in Mr. Johnson’s rush
to leave the European Union — he
has vowed a Brexit, deal or no
deal, by Oct. 31 — he has been ac-
cused of jeopardizing the much
older union that he leads: Eng-
land, Scotland, Northern Ireland
and Wales. Even before his trip to
Edinburgh, his adversaries
warned that he could become the
last prime minister of the United
Kingdom.
Nowhere have the warnings
been more loudly heard than in
Scotland, where a majority re-
jected leaving the European Un-
ion in 2016; where a movement for
Scottish independence from the
United Kingdom goes back dec-
ades; and where the first minister,
Nicola Sturgeon, has called for a
new referendum on leaving the
United Kingdom, and is waiting to
see whether Brexit brings that ob-
jective closer.
Mr. Johnson’s position is so un-
certain in Scotland that he cannot
even be sure of a meeting of minds
with Ruth Davidson, his own Con-
servative Party’s Scottish leader.
An abrupt rupture with the Eu-
ropean Union could also destabil-
ize the peace process in Northern
Ireland, and talk of it has even
stoked unfamiliar discussion
about a united Ireland.
“The union that is the United
Kingdom is in mortal danger —
more imperiled now than it has
ever been in its 312 years of exist-
ence,” Gordon Brown, the former
Labour prime minister and a
Scotsman, wrote in a recent arti-
cle.
On Monday, on a visit to the
Faslane naval base, Mr. Johnson
did his best to defuse that risk,
promising hundreds of millions of
pounds for Scotland, Wales and
Northern Ireland, and appealing
for a renewal of “the ties that bind
our United Kingdom.”
He also softened his tone over
Brexit after days of news reports
about ramped-up government
preparations for an exit without
an agreement.
When asked about statements
by his cabinet ally, Michael Gove,
that a “no-deal” departure was the
most likely outcome — comments
that prompted a fall in the value of
the pound sterling, which reached
a 28-month low Monday — Mr.
Johnson demurred.
“No, absolutely not,” he told re-
porters. “My assumption is that
we can get a new deal. We’re aim-
ing for a new deal.”
An economically damaging no-
deal Brexit, forced on Scotland by
the government in London, could
be a gift to those campaigning for
Scottish independence.
In Mr. Johnson, Scotland’s pro-
independence first minister, Ms.
Sturgeon, has something like a
perfect pantomime villain — a
walking, breathing (and often jok-
ing) reminder that decisions can
be imposed on Scots by members
of a remote elite, educated at ex-
pensive English schools and ex-
clusive universities.
So toxic was Mr. Johnson’s im-
age in Scotland that its Conserva-
tive lawmakers tried in vain to or-
chestrate a campaign to stop him
from becoming prime minister.
In Northern Ireland, most vot-
ers also opposed Brexit. The ef-
fects of a no-deal exit could be
more instant and dramatic there
because the border with Ireland
will be the United Kingdom’s only
land frontier with the European
Union.
If Britain leaves without an
agreement, that could force the
Irish government to introduce
border controls. It could also re-
verse progress made under a
Northern Ireland peace accord
that helped relations between the
divided communities by removing
symbols of statehood.
Given the impasse in the inter-
nal politics of Northern Ireland,
where the power sharing execu-
tive is suspended, London might
have to take over decision-making
directly, again stirring sectarian
sentiment.
On Monday, Michelle O’Neill,
the leader of the party Sinn Fein in
Northern Ireland, accused Mr.
Johnson of being “highly discour-
teous” by delaying his first con-
tact with Ireland’s prime minister,
Leo Varadkar.
Mr. Johnson is expected to visit
Northern Ireland soon, and also to
travel to Wales, where a majority
of voters sided with the English in
opting for Brexit.
But in Scotland Mr. Johnson
faces a double challenge. Ms.
Sturgeon, who argues that his
hard-line Brexit stance is driving
the country to “disaster,” wants to
keep close economic ties with the
European Union.

“The people of Scotland did not
vote for this Tory government,
they didn’t vote for this new prime
minister, they didn’t vote for
Brexit and they certainly didn’t
vote for a catastrophic no-deal
Brexit which Boris Johnson is
now planning for,” Ms. Sturgeon
said on Monday, before the meet-
ing where Mr. Johnson was booed
on arrival.
Yet there is also resistance from

Ms. Davidson, the leader of the
Scottish Conservatives under
whom the Tories have undergone
a revival.
Seen by the left of the Conserva-
tive Party as a potential future
leader, Ms. Davidson has champi-
oned a more inclusive brand of
conservatism. She opposed Brexit
in the referendum and remained
in the Scottish Parliament rather
than seeking a seat in Westmin-
ster, ruling out any party leader-
ship ambitions for the time being.
That has also made it impossi-
ble for Mr. Johnson to fire her, and

on Sunday she said plainly that
she could not support a no-deal
withdrawal.
“When I was debating against
the pro-Brexit side in 2016, I don’t
remember anybody saying we
should crash out of the E.U. with
no arrangements in place to help
maintain the vital trade that flows
uninterrupted between Britain
and the European Union,” Ms. Da-
vidson wrote in The Scottish Mail
on Sunday, a day before hosting
Mr. Johnson.
Tensions with Mr. Johnson have
been strained by his decision to
fire from his cabinet David
Mundell, the former secretary of
state for Scotland and an ally of
Ms. Davidson.
Among some in Scotland there
is a broader fear that Brexit has
radicalized the Tories so much
that their traditional commitment
to the union — the party’s official
title is the Conservative and Un-
ionist Party — is waning.
Critics contend that Mr. John-
son is pandering to a type of Eng-
lish nationalism that values sepa-
ration from the European Union
as a higher priority than Eng-
land’s ties to Scotland, Wales and
Northern Ireland.
Mr. Brown, the former prime
minister, pointed to a survey of
Conservative Party activists in
which “59 percent of its members

said they were prepared to sacri-
fice the Union with Northern Ire-
land to secure the Brexit they
want. Even more — 63 percent —
would sacrifice the union with
Scotland.”
However, others question
whether even a no-deal Brexit,
and the undoubted disruption it
would entail, would push Scots to
break up the United Kingdom.
A significant minority of Scot-
tish voters supported Brexit. And
a messy rupture with the Euro-
pean Union might remind Scots of
the big economic risk they would
take were they to break away
from the rest of the United King-
dom, their biggest market.
Scots would also have to con-
front tricky questions such as how
to manage their own currency and
whether to join the European Un-
ion’s common currency, the euro.
According to the British gov-
ernment, London would have to
agree to another Scottish inde-
pendence referendum for it to
have legal force.
One of Mr. Johnson’s arguments
against holding a second referen-
dum on Brexit is that it would set a
precedent for repeating plebi-
scites, and make it harder to resist
a redo of the 2014 Scottish inde-
pendence vote. Scots voted
against independence about 54
percent to 46 percent that year.

The Push for Brexit May Fracture British Unity


By STEPHEN CASTLE

Prime Minister Boris Johnson visited Nicola Sturgeon, the Scottish first minister, on Monday.


RUSSELL CHEYNE/REUTERS

Adversaries warn


a new leader could


be Britain’s last.


that much of the country lives in
poverty is often the target of offi-
cial ire.
Independent journalists, rights
advocates, opposition politicians,
government whistle-blowers and
others are smeared in the media,
jailed on dubious charges and, in
some cases, killed. Mr. Navalny
himself temporarily lost most of
the vision in one eye when some-
one threw a caustic liquid into his
face in 2017.
Sergei V. Skripal, a former Rus-
sian spy, was poisoned along with
his daughter in Salisbury, Eng-
land, last year with a potent nerve
agent administered by two offi-
cers from Russia’s military intelli-
gence, Britain said. Russia has de-
nied any involvement even
though surveillance cameras
caught the officers wandering
around Salisbury.
Vladimir Kara-Murza, another
opposition leader, has accused the
government of poisoning him
twice, sending him into a coma in
the latest attempt in 2017, al-
though medical tests conducted
abroad proved inconclusive.
Alexander V. Litvinenko, a for-
mer officer in the Russian security
service F.S.B. who became a Putin
opponent, died of polonium-
poisoning in London in 2006.
Boris Nemtsov, a prominent op-
position politician, was fatally
shot outside the Kremlin in Febru-
ary 2015. Although several people
from Chechnya were convicted in
the killing, neither the master-
mind nor a motive was ever iden-
tified.
Sergei L. Magnitsky, a lawyer
and auditor, was jailed on tax eva-
sion charges while investigating a
$230 million government tax “re-
fund” that corrupt Russian offi-
cials had granted to themselves.
Denied essential medical care, he
died in 2009.
The journalist Anna
Politkovskaya, a critic of Mr. Putin
who wrote of atrocities by the
Russian military in Chechnya,
was shot to death in her Moscow
apartment in 2006.
And in a case dating back even
further, Yuri Shchekochikhin, a
Russian journalist and politician
famous for his corruption ex-
posés, fell ill and died suddenly in


  1. His death was attributed to a
    rare allergic reaction, but the case
    was never fully resolved publicly.
    Analysts have described both
    Mr. Navalny’s medical emergency
    and the mass detentions on Satur-
    day, when the police carted away
    almost 1,400 protesters, as possi-
    ble signs of the Kremlin’s unease
    about Mr. Putin’s continued drop
    in the polls, with Russians grum-
    bling about their stagnant in-
    comes. They said that instead of
    doing the hard work of changing
    policies to woo those who are an-
    gry with Kremlin, the government
    is trying to silence them.
    The immediate cause of the
    Moscow protests was anger over
    the Moscow City Electoral Com-
    mission’s preventing opposition
    candidates from registering for
    the September election for the 45-
    member City Council. Fifty-seven
    potential candidates were
    blocked, including about 17 gov-
    ernment critics.
    “There are thousands of Mus-
    covites behind every opposition
    member that was not allowed to
    run,” Nikolai Petrov, a Russian po-
    litical science professor at the
    Higher School of Economics in
    Moscow, wrote in the Vedomosti
    daily. “Today these are the people,
    and not just 17 unregistered candi-
    dates, who are in the position of
    being very harsh critics of the gov-
    ernment.”
    Hence the crackdown will feed
    more protests, he said, adding
    that “it is hard to imagine what
    they will do next, but it won’t be
    pleasant for the government.”
    The next Moscow protest is
    scheduled for Saturday.


MOSCOW — Russia’s most
prominent opposition figure,
Aleksei A. Navalny, raised ques-
tions on Monday about whether
he had been poisoned in prison af-
ter being convicted of calling for a
protest that led to one of the larg-
est street demonstrations in Mos-
cow in years.
Mr. Navalny, 43, was sent from
the government hospital where he
was being treated for an unknown
illness back to jail earlier in the
day. His return came over the ob-
jections of his doctor, who said
that the cause of his symptoms
had not been identified, but that
he had apparently been poisoned
with a “toxic agent.”
The opposition leader posted a
message on his official website
that addressed the possibility the
authorities had poisoned him.
Mr. Navalny wrote that on the
one hand, why would the authori-
ties poison him while in custody,
as they would be the obvious cul-
prits? On the other hand, he
noted, this had never stopped
them before.
“Are they such idiots as to poi-
son me in a spot where they would
be they only suspects?” he wrote,
before listing a string of incidents
involving opposition figures and
others where the government was


clearly to blame. “The dudes in
power in Russia are truly rather
moronic and asinine,” he wrote.
His doctor, Anastasy Vasilyeva,
said insufficient tests had been
conducted on the cause of Mr. Na-
valny’s condition to allow him re-
turn him to the place where, she
said, the toxic exposure probably
occurred. After being allowed to
see him, Dr. Vasilyeva wrote on
Facebook that Mr. Navalny was
feeling better but needed contin-
ued monitoring.
Mr. Navalny, the most high-pro-
file critic of President Vladimir V.
Putin and his government, was
rushed to the hospital on Sunday
from his jail cell, suffering from
swelling and hives. He was sen-
tenced last week to 30 days in jail
for organizing an illegal protest,
days before a demonstration he
had called drew thousands of peo-
ple in Moscow on Saturday.
Dr. Vasilyeva said on Sunday
that Mr. Navalny might have been
poisoned with an unknown chemi-
cal substance. The Interfax news
agency quoted a doctor at the gov-
ernment hospital where he was
admitted as saying that he had
suffered from an attack of hives,
but had improved.
In describing the events around
his hospitalization, Mr. Navalny
said on his website that his cell-
mates noticed on Saturday that
the skin on his neck was redden-
ing, and as the day progressed his
face, ears and neck began burning
and prickling. He could not sleep,
and by Sunday morning his head
was severely swollen, his eyes
were just slivers and his eyelids
were the size of “Ping-Pong balls.”
Mr. Navalny said he had never
experienced allergies to food or to
pollen, although he had previ-
ously had an occasional skin reac-
tion to toiletries, but not of the
kind in the cell. He said he had
been in the exact same bunk for 10
days just a few weeks ago, and af-
ter nine or 10 times in jail, he al-
ways brought his own sheets,
soap and toothpaste.
The opposition leader said he
started to improve after a doctor
gave him a shot, but he was not
told anything about his condition
and only discovered some details
from a hospital report given to a
news agency.
Unease among his fellow oppo-
sition members and supporters
stemmed from the Kremlin’s long
history of eliminating its oppo-
nents, often by poisoning them.
Mr. Putin has tried to build an
image of a powerful, united Rus-
sia, and anyone who would under-
mine that strength or point out


Putin Rival,


Back in Jail,


Addresses


His Illness


By NEIL MacFARQUHAR

An unexplained case


of hives while in


custody in Moscow.


Aleksei A. Navalny on Mon-


day. His doctor said he was ex-


posed to a “toxic agent” in jail.


NAVALNY.COM, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS

Mr. Navalny was released from a Moscow hospital on Monday,


after arriving the day before with facial swelling and hives.


MAXIM SHIPENKOV/EPA, VIA SHUTTERSTOCK
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