A6 0 N THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONALTUESDAY, AUGUST 6, 2019
Kashmir, a mountainous valley
that borders Pakistan and India,
has been a center of conflict be-
tween the two nuclear-armed
countries since the 1947 partition
of British India.
At the time of the partition, the
British agreed to divide their for-
mer colony into two countries:
Pakistan, with a Muslim majority,
and India, with a Hindu majority.
Both nations covet Kashmir,
which is Muslim majority, and oc-
cupy portions of it with military
forces.
For decades, an uneasy stale-
mate has prevailed, broken by oc-
casional military incursions, ter-
rorist attacks and police crack-
downs. But on Monday, the Indi-
an government decided to
permanently incorporate the ter-
ritory it controls into the rest of
India.
The administration of Prime
Minister Narendra Modi revoked
Article 370 of the Indian constitu-
tion, a 70-year-old provision that
had given autonomy to the state
of Jammu and Kashmir, which in-
cludes the Hindu-majority area of
Jammu and the Muslim-majority
Kashmir valley.
The government also intro-
duced a bill to strip the region of
statehood and divide it into two
parts, both under direct control of
the central government.
Mr. Modi, a Hindu nationalist,
had campaigned for re-election in
part by stoking patriotic fervor
against Muslim-led Pakistan. He
promised the full integration of
Kashmir, a cause which his party
has championed for decades.
Pakistan condemned India’s
moves. Pakistan’s prime minister,
Imran Khan, called on President
Trump to follow through on an of-
fer he made two weeks ago to me-
diate the Kashmir dispute.
What are the roots of the conflict?
In 1947, the sudden separation of
the area into Pakistan and India
prompted millions of people to mi-
grate between the two countries
and led to religious violence that
killed hundreds of thousands.
Left undecided was the status of
Jammu and Kashmir, a Muslim-
majority state in the Himalayas
that had been ruled by a local
prince. Fighting quickly broke
out, and both countries eventually
sent in troops, with Pakistan occu-
pying about one third of the state
and India the rest.
The prince signed an agree-
ment for the territory to become
part of India. Regional autonomy,
which was formalized through Ar-
ticle 370, was a key inducement.
Despite efforts by the United
Nations to mediate the Kashmir
dispute, India and Pakistan con-
tinue to administer their portions
of the former princely territory
while hoping to get full control of
it. Troops on both sides of the so-
called line of control regularly fire
volleys at each other.
What is Article 370?
Article 370 was added to the Indi-
an constitution shortly after the
partition of British India to give
autonomy to the former princely
state of Jammu and Kashmir until
a decision was made about its
rule. It limited the power of India’s
central government over the terri-
tory. A related provision gave
state lawmakers the power to de-
cide who could buy land and be a
permanent resident — a provision
that irked many non-Kashmiris.
Although it was intended to be
temporary, Article 370 says that it
can only be abrogated with the
consent of the legislative body
that drafted the state constitution.
That body dissolved itself in 1957,
and India’s Supreme Court ruled
last year that Article 370 is there-
fore a permanent part of the con-
stitution.
The Modi government dis-
agrees and says the president of
India, who is beholden to the rul-
ing party, has the power to revoke
the article.
Why did the conflict heat up this
year?
The immediate cause was the Feb.
14 suicide bombing by a young Is-
lamic militant, who blew up a con-
voy of trucks carrying paramili-
tary forces in Pulwama in south-
ern Kashmir.
Indian aircraft responded to
that attack by flying into Pakistan
and firing airstrikes near the town
of Balakot. The Indian govern-
ment claimed it was attacking a
training camp for Jaish-e-Moham-
med, the terrorist group that
claimed responsibility for the
bombing.
The next day, Pakistani and In-
dian fighter jets engaged in a skir-
mish over Indian-controlled terri-
tory, and Pakistani forces downed
an Indian aircraft — an aging So-
viet-era MiG-21 — and captured
its pilot. It was the first aerial
clash between the rivals in five
decades.
Pakistan quickly returned the
pilot, easing the diplomatic ten-
sions. But Mr. Modi exploited a
wave of a nationalist fervor over
the Pulwama attack as part of his
re-election campaign that helped
his Bharatiya Janata Party win a
sweeping victory.
Will the United States and other
global powers get involved?
On July 22, Mr. Trump hosted Mr.
Khan at the White House. Al-
though the meeting was focused
on how to end the war in Afghani-
stan, Mr. Trump told reporters
that Mr. Modi had asked him to
help mediate the Kashmir dispute.
Mr. Khan welcomed his involve-
ment. The Indian government de-
nied making any mediation re-
quest and has long insisted on di-
rect negotiations with Pakistan to
resolve the dispute.
Under Mr. Trump, American
foreign policy has shifted away
from Pakistan, a longtime recipi-
ent of American aid, toward India,
which the administration views as
a bulwark against China’s rising
influence in Asia.
China, for its part, has become a
close ally and financial patron of
Pakistan. China shares a border
with Jammu and Kashmir state,
and India and China still do not
agree on the demarcation line.
What is likely to happen next?
The constitutional changes, is-
sued through a presidential order,
could face legal challenges.
Pakistan said it will “exercise
all possible options to counter the
illegal steps” taken by India.
Mr. Modi’s moves to integrate
Kashmir into India are likely to be
popular in much of the country.
But there is widespread panic in
Kashmir, where there have been
decades of protests against Indian
rule.
How Kashmir Became a Sticking Point in India-Pakistan Relations
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INDIANDIANDIA
CHINA
TAJIKISTAN
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INDIA
PAKISTAN
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By VINDU GOEL
Suhasini Raj contributed report-
ing from New Delhi, and Ayesha
Venkataraman contributed re-
search from Mumbai, India.
THE NEW YORK TIMES
Both India and Pakistan keep
military forces within Kashmir.
paramilitary forces traveling on a
highway, killing at least 40 sol-
diers. A banned terrorist group,
Jaish-e-Muhammad, which is
based in Pakistan, claimed re-
sponsibility.
It was the deadliest attack in the
region in three decades, and set
off a tense military standoff be-
tween India and Pakistan that cul-
minated in a dogfight between In-
dian and Pakistani warplanes. Pa-
kistan shot down and captured an
Indian pilot, whose return helped
calm the tensions.
President Trump recently met
Prime Minister Imran Khan of Pa-
kistan in Washington and offered
to mediate on Kashmir, but India
rejected that, saying Kashmir was
a domestic, not an international,
issue.
In a written statement on Mon-
day, the State Department said it
was following developments
closely and that it was concerned
about reports of detention in
Kashmir. It urged all parties to
maintain peace along the dividing
line between India- and Pakistan-
controlled territory.
On Monday night, Kashmir
seemed quiet. According to a few
people who spoke to their rela-
tives in the state government
(some officials were given satel-
lite phones), most streets were de-
serted. Soldiers were everywhere.
Many people were scared to leave
their homes.
voice. Last year, the regional Par-
liament was dissolved and the
state fell under federal rule.
Kashmir never fit neatly into
the bigger India picture. When In-
dia and Pakistan won independ-
ence from Britain in 1947, Kashmir
originally opted to remain a small
independent state.
Soon after independence,
though, militants from Pakistan
invaded the territory, leading it to
seek protection from India. Kash-
mir agreed to become part of In-
dia, but only under the autonomy
enshrined in Article 370. That arti-
cle was like a contract, guarantee-
ing that Kashmir would be differ-
ent from other Indian states and
have a say on what kind of federal
laws could be imposed on it.
These protections lead to spe-
cial property rights for Kashmiris
that blocked non-Kashmiris from
owning land.
India and Pakistan then fought
several wars over the area. And
today, most of Kashmir is adminis-
tered by India, with a smaller slice
controlled by Pakistan.
Many of the original provisions
of the Kashmir-India partnership,
like Kashmir having its own prime
minister, had already been done
away with.
Long-simmering tensions with
Pakistan reached a breaking point
in February, when a Kashmiri mil-
itant rammed a vehicle filled with
explosives into a convoy of Indian
peace and investment to the war-
torn region.
But the voice of the Kashmiris
was silenced, as the government
authorities cut off practically all
communication from the area.
Several top Kashmiri poli-
ticians were taken into custody.
Mehbooba Mufti, a former chief
minister of Kashmir, managed to
get out a message shortly before
she was arrested on Monday
night.
“The Fifth of August is the
blackest day of Indian democracy
when its Parliament, like thieves,
snatched away everything from
the people of Jammu and Kash-
mir,” she said.
Her daughter, Iltija Javed, who
succeeded in transmitting a mes-
sage to The New York Times on
Monday night, summed up the
desperation of many Kashmiris.
“We feel there is an atmosphere
of death looming over us,” she
said. “We don’t know what to ex-
pect. We are not allowed to get out
of our houses. Telecommunica-
tions are all down. For the first
time in 30 years, they snapped
landline connections as well. So
there is no way even ordinary
Kashmiris here can like communi-
cate with each other, and know
what exactly is going on. Every-
body is in a state of absolute shock
and panic.”
The Indian consul general in
New York said in a statement that
the action to revoke Kashmir’s au-
tonomy, which was granted under
Article 370 of India’s Constitution,
was “purely administrative” and
was intended to “improve good
governance and deliver socio-eco-
nomic justice to the disadvan-
taged sections of the people in the
State.”
The consul general added that
restrictions related to Article 370
“seriously discouraged” invest-
ment in the region, limited eco-
nomic opportunities and hurt
younger generations.
India’s government had been
carefully preparing for this action,
which instantly raised tensions
across the border in Pakistan. For
the past two weeks, tens of thou-
sands of extra troops had been de-
ployed across Kashmir, and many
Kashmiris had been expecting
something big.
Still, many people were stunned
that the government actually
made the decision. It was widely
seen as another bold, muscular
move by the administration of
Narendra Modi, India’s forceful
prime minister, to consolidate
power.
Many Indians believe Kashmir
is a legitimate part of India, and
several other political parties, in-
cluding progressive ones, lined up
behind the government.
With an overwhelming major-
ity, the upper house of Parliament
passed a related bill Monday
evening that split the state of
Jammu and Kashmir, which in-
cludes the Kashmir Valley and the
Ladakh area, into two federal ter-
ritories: Jammu and Kashmir,
which will have a state legislature,
and Ladakh, a remote, high-alti-
tude area, which will be ruled di-
rectly from New Delhi.
If this clears the lower House,
which is expected in the coming
days, Kashmir loses the special
status it has enjoyed since 1947
when it chose to join India.
Officials in Pakistan were con-
tacting allies around the world to
try to oppose the action, but many
analysts said Pakistan had little
credibility on the issue. Pakistan
has a long history of covertly sup-
porting militant groups in Kash-
mir despite pressure from allies to
stop.
Human rights activists said
that the moves to change Kash-
mir’s status were only the first
steps in a broader plan to erode
Kashmir’s core rights and seed
the area with non-Kashmiris, al-
tering the demographics and
eventually destroying its charac-
ter. Previous laws barred out-
siders from owning property.
Several legal scholars said they
believed the government did not
have the legal authority to change
Article 370. The issue, they said,
was headed for a showdown in In-
dia’s Supreme Court.
“The whole bill is not only un-
constitutional, it’s a fraud,” said
A. G. Noorani, a constitutional
lawyer.
But India’s ruling Bharatiya Ja-
nata Party, commonly referred to
as the B.J.P., may be difficult to
stop. Mr. Modi, the most domi-
neering leader India has had in
decades, just won a resounding
election victory in May, in part on
the promise of revoking Article
370.
Wiping away Kashmir’s special
status has been a dream of many
B.J.P. supporters who have spo-
ken of a Greater Hindustan, a
Hindu-dominated land that
scoops up Pakistan, Bangladesh
and other parts of South Asia. In-
dia is about 80 percent Hindu.
The B.J.P.’s leaders have cast
the Kashmir issue as a nationalist
cause and have raised fears of Pa-
kistani infiltrations and terrorist
attacks in the region.
“The application of Article 370
to foster vested interests have cre-
ated a climate of separatism,” the
consul general said in the state-
ment, adding that the “defense of
the security and stability” of the
region “has cost more than 40,
lives and been a major drain on re-
sources.”
Kashmir has been racked by
bloodshed for years. Many Kash-
miris do not want to be part of In-
dia, and a small but stubborn in-
surgency has been fighting Indian
forces. Countless Hindus across
India feel solidarity with Kashmiri
Hindus, a minority in that area,
who had been driven out over the
years during the conflict.
Officials in Mr. Modi’s party be-
lieve it is time to try something dif-
ferent. They say that if non-Kash-
miris are allowed to own land in
Kashmir, more investment and
development will follow, increas-
ing the chances for peace and na-
tional unity.
“Imposed divisions between In-
dians and Kashmiris have been
done away with,” said Rakesh
Sinha, a B.J.P. lawmaker. “The slo-
gan of ‘One Nation, One People’ is
now a reality for Indians.”
Some analysts say the timing is
suspicious. In recent weeks, Mr.
Modi’s government has come un-
der increasing criticism over a
weakening economy, with jobless-
ness rising. A sense of malaise is
beginning to seep through just
about all sectors of the economy.
Analysts say that Mr. Modi and
Mr. Shah, widely considered the
Indian leader’s right-hand man,
were desperate to shore up their
base and shift the conversation.
“This is exactly what national
populists do all over the world,”
said Christophe Jaffrelot, a re-
search fellow at CERI-Sciences
Po/CNRS in Paris. “Clearly, India
is entering a zone of economic tur-
bulence. So this is the right time to
return to the nationalistic
agenda.”
In Kashmir, a sense of doom had
been settling in. As federal forces
poured into the valley in recent
weeks, many Kashmiris grew to
believe that Mr. Modi’s govern-
ment was preparing to take signif-
icant action. Jammu and Kashmir,
with a population of about 13 mil-
lion, is India’s only Muslim major-
ity state.
Economic and political frustra-
tion permeates the Kashmir Val-
ley. The young have struggled to
find work as political turmoil has
hampered development, and
many people say they don’t have a
A police checkpoint in Jammu and Kashmir, a disputed region along the India-Pakistan border.
MUKESH GUPTA/REUTERS
A woman and child in the rain. Hindus have for years wanted a change in Kashmir’s special status.
RAKESH BAKSHI/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
Hindu-Led India Puts
Clamp on Muslim Area
From Page A
A long-planned
sudden move to end
Kashmir’s autonomy.
Salman Masood contributed re-
porting from Lahore, Pakistan;
Ayesha Venkataraman and Vindu
Goel contributed from Mumbai,
India.
WASHINGTON — President
Trump signed an executive order
on Monday imposing new eco-
nomic sanctions on the govern-
ment of Venezuela, escalating his
campaign to remove President
Nicolás Maduro from office.
The White House announced
the action, which freezes the prop-
erty and assets of the Venezuelan
government and those of any indi-
viduals who assist Venezuelan of-
ficials affected by the order, on the
eve of an international conference
on Venezuela in Lima, Peru.
Several Trump officials, includ-
ing the national security adviser,
John R. Bolton, and Commerce
Secretary Wilbur Ross, are sched-
uled to attend the gathering,
which will discuss ways to “re-
store democracy” to Venezuela,
according to Peru’s government.
Mr. Trump’s order cited “the
continued usurpation of power by
Nicolas Maduro” as well as “hu-
man rights abuses, including arbi-
trary or unlawful arrest and de-
tention of Venezuelan citizens, in-
terference with freedom of ex-
pression, including for members
of the news media, and continuing
attempts to undermine Interim
President Juan Guaidó and the
Venezuelan National Assembly’s
exercise of legitimate authority in
Venezuela.”
The Trump administration has
thrown its support behind Mr.
Guaidó, who has called Mr. Madu-
ro an illegitimate leader. In April,
the Trump administration sup-
ported his calls for generals to rise
up against the socialist president,
but Mr. Maduro retained the sup-
port of the military and squelch
the immediate threat to his power.
Using Mr. Trump as a foil, he has
cast himself as a brave survivor
against American imperial influ-
ence.
The effects of the sanctions
were not immediately clear. Sev-
eral sanctions experts on Monday
night questioned initial news me-
dia reports that characterized the
action as a total “embargo” on
Venezuela, noting that Mr.
Trump’s order did not seem to ap-
ply to Venezuelan trade with the
wider world. Given that Mr.
Trump has repeatedly placed
sanctions on Mr. Maduro’s gov-
ernment since taking office, some
predicted a modest economic ef-
fect.
“This appears to be more light
than heat,” said Richard Nephew,
a former State Department offi-
cial who has written a book on eco-
nomic sanctions. “This is not an
embargo. It does not create penal-
ties for business with Venezuela
altogether, it just denies such ac-
tivities with the government of
Venezuela and it is doubtful there
were any of those still extant to be
cut off by this action.”
Others predicted more severe
consequences.
While the sanctions prohibit do-
ing business only with the Vene-
zuelan state, they could harm the
country’s surviving private firms,
which already struggle to find
suppliers and make payments
abroad, said Francisco Rodríguez,
chief economist of New York-
based brokerage Torino Capital
and former economic adviser to a
Venezuelan opposition presiden-
tial candidate.
“Financial institutions will be
cautious not to make dealings
with Venezuelan private sector
firms, which could be perceived as
proxies for the Venezuelan gov-
ernment,” he said.
Fernando Cutz, who oversaw
South America policy at the White
House under Lt. Gen. H.R. Mc-
Master, the former national secu-
rity adviser, said the new order, at
a minimum, “puts Venezuela on a
list of really horrendous regimes
out there.”
The test, Mr. Cutz said on Mon-
day night, is whether the new
sanctions prevent Russia and
China from receiving Venezuelan
oil as part of a debt repayment
program. If so, “that’s a pretty sig-
nificant thing, and then the ques-
tion is how Russia and China will
respond, more than anything
else.”
He said that Russia was close to
being paid in full for its debt relief
to Venezuela, but that China was
on pace to be receiving oil from
the South American country until
early 2021.
“They might stand to lose
more,” said Mr. Cutz, now at the
Wilson Center, a think tank in
Washington.
Venezuela’s imports per capita
have already fallen to the lowest
level since 1950s. The country’s
imports totaled just $303 million
in April, down 92 percent from the
same month in 2012, according to
Torino Capital.
Venezuela’s economy was al-
ready forecast to decline 35 per-
cent this year, according to the In-
ternational Monetary Fund. By
the end of this year, the country’s
gross domestic product will have
shrunk by two-thirds since 2013.
Trump Adds
To Sanctions
On Venezuela
By MICHAEL CROWLEY
and ANATOLY KURMANAEV
Michael Crowley reported from
Washington, and Anatoly Kur-
manaev from Caracas, Venezuela.
Lara Jakes contributed reporting
from Washington.