A History of America in 100 Maps

(Axel Boer) #1
188 A HISTORY OF AMERICA IN 100 MAPS

In the 1920s and 1930s newspapers relentlessly
portrayed Chicago as a lawless town. Breathless
headlines covered the St. Valentine’s Day Massacre
in 1929, when Al Capone and his men set about
murdering rival gang members in a bid to control
the city’s organized crime. This coverage continued
through the 1930s, though almost all American cities
were reckoning with similar challenges that were only
exacerbated by Prohibition.
The explosion of urban crime in the interwar years
was closely studied by sociologists at the University
of Chicago. Robert Park, a product of the Progressive
Era, taught his students to think of cities in ecological
terms, as dynamic systems. The city of Chicago
became their laboratory. One of Park’s leading
students was Frederic Thrasher, who believed the
key to controlling crime was a more thorough study
of gang behavior. In his seven-year investigation,
Thrasher counted 1,000 gangs, composed of over
25,000 members. These ranged from “embryonic”
groups of young boys to sophisticated networks that
controlled organized crime. Thrasher explored gangs
as social units with their own internal logic and social
structure. If they were to be overcome, gangs must
first be understood.
Thrasher’s study is full of extraordinary detail
based on census data, institutions, and his own
surveys. He joined gang members in their haunts
and hangouts to observe their rituals, codes, and
language. He interviewed them at length about
their values and experiences. And, though he did
not use the term “rape,” he discussed shocking
patterns of sexual behavior reported by his subjects.
Later sociologists regarded Thrasher’s work as
unsystematic and dated, but it remained the
most comprehensive investigation of the subject
for decades.
Trained by Park to think in spatial terms, Thrasher
mapped Chicago’s criminal landscape. In the portion
shown here, he identified the location of ethnic
enclaves across the city. Poles, Italians, Lithuanians,
Germans, and the Dutch had settled in Chicago at
the turn of the century while African Americans had

UNDERSTANDING THE UNDERWORLD


Frederic M. Thrasher, “Chicago’s


Gangland,” 1927


migrated during and after World War I. Thrasher also
identified large populations of native born Americans
who were equally involved in the gang culture of the
interwar era.
This ethnic landscape formed the backdrop of
Thrasher’s map. Then he used red ink to identify the
presence and influence of various gangs across the
city landscape. Clear red lines denote the stronger
and more territorial gangs, while smaller icons mark
their less powerful counterparts. A close look at the
map indicates that Thrasher aimed to do justice to
the local vernacular, from Dukies to Mickies, Lake
Front Jungles to No Man’s Land. “Back of the Yards,”
“Wop Park,” and “Bum Park” all signal particular
neighborhoods, if not specific locations. Similarly,
across the city he marked sites where individual
gangs came up against one another.
Like many interwar sociologists, Thrasher
was influenced by the community of Hull House
reformers who had dedicated themselves to Chicago’s
immigrant communities on the South Side at the turn
of the century (page 166). That earlier generation used
maps to isolate particular classes of information—
such as ethnicity or wages—in order to investigate
urban structure. Here Thrasher similarly mapped the
distribution of gangs and their realm of influence
in order to discern their relationship to the urban
landscape. He found that gangs clustered around
canals, rivers, railroad tracks, and industrial areas,
what he termed “interstitial” spaces. Stepping back
further, he noticed that the gangs formed a kind of
semicircle around the central loop, hemmed in by the
more settled and safer residential areas that formed
the outer ring of Chicagoland.
Thrasher’s study was part of the emerging field of
urban sociology. It bore directly on the new realm of
juvenile justice, which aimed to treat young offenders
not in terms of their personal moral failings but as
part of a larger social order. Thrasher observed that
Chicago’s gangs were produced by the colossal influx
of new residents—mostly immigrants—who had
endured massive dislocation. For young men who
were bored at school and too young to work, gangs
offered structure, hierarchy, and a sense of belonging
and purpose. In other words, gangs had a role to
play, and until this was acknowledged and addressed
they would continue to thrive.
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