D
URING THE WINTER OF
2010-2011, the Tunisian
people rekindled a flame
that was thought to have
been extinguished forever - that
of a popular revolution against
corrupt and dictatorial regimes.
The shock wave spread in the
region (Egypt, Libya, Algeria,
Syria, Yemen, Sudan, Lebanon...).
And it continues to spread
throughout the world (Chile,
Ecuador, Bolivia, Sri Lanka). It
expresses a tremendous will, in
the countries of the South, to
overthrow the established order
and to establish sovereign and
democratic regimes.
Of course, such processes
are slow and perilous, and many
people are currently paying
with their blood for the price of
emancipation and basic rights. Up
to now, Tunisia has managed to
get away without extreme violence, but it
is currently living in difficult times. The
future is unclear. But before addressing
the tumultuous news from Tunisia, it is
worth recalling some facts that make it
possible to understand the state of mind of
the people when they mobilised at the end
of 2010.From colonisation to
oligarchs
From 1881 to 1956, Tunisia experienced an
extractivist colonisation that profoundly
transformed the social and economic
structures of the country, orienting
production systems towards satisfying
the French market. This has created a
significant regional imbalance between the
interior and the south of the country, on
the one hand, and the north-east, on the
other.
The republic, born after
independence, was characterised by an
authoritarian presidential regime. After
a short developmentalist period driven
by a sovereignist national project (1956-
1969), the country aligned itself with
the global trend towards liberalism. It
practiced policies of integration into the
world market. This aggravated regional
imbalances and increased disparities and
social inequalities.
Suffering from senility, H. Bourguiba
ended up being overthrown in 1987 byhis Minister of the Interior, Z.A. Ben Ali.
Ali was a soldier who strengthened the
dictatorial police regime and the power of
the single party. He gave over the country’s
economy to plunder by those close to him,
while continuing to apply the injunctions
of the International Financial Institutions
(IFIs) and western powers.
Throughout this process, a rentier
oligarchy gradually formed into an
economic elite. A handful of families
took advantage of the privileges they got
from being close to political power and
the support of capitalist countries. They
monopolised positions which gave them
income, including in banks, and they acted
as intermediaries for foreign interests at
the expense of the people.The uprising
On 17 December 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi,
a landless farmer working as an informal
vegetable seller, set himself on fire in front
of the local administration of Sidi Bouzid,
after a police officer confiscated his goods.
Indignation quickly spread throughout
the locality and to neighboring regions,
finally reaching Tunis on January 12, 2011.
The slogan “get out!” resounded in front
of the Ministry of the Interior, carried
by a diverse mass of people, united by
a deep desire for change. The demands
were economic and social: to bring down
the corrupt and deeply unjust political-
economic system.Ten years of drift
This episode, which ended with the
dictator’s flight, led to chain reactions:
● At the national level: a large political
commission was constituted. It
brought together opponents of the
Ben Ali regime. It adopted an electoral
law and organised the first democratic
elections – according to an
internationally agreed framework –
for the drafting of a new constitution.
● At the international level: a
framework was established to
“support the democratic transition
in Tunisia”. It was a complete
package, with technical and financial
support for the democratic process,
transitional justice and economic
transition. These three plans
were supposed to be in line with
the expectations of Tunisians. In
reality they were dictated and non-
negotiable.
In the absence of a political force capable
of carrying the popular demands, the
old splits quickly re-emerged. They gave
rise to an extreme polarisation between
Islamists on the one hand and those who
wanted to “modernise” the previous
regime (Destouriens), on the other.
Meanwhile they completely ignored social
and economic issues.
Drafted in this context, a newTUNISIA: THE ROAD
TO AUTOCRACY
By Layla Riahi
Tunis January 14 2011. The demands were undoubtedly economic and social: to bring down the
corrupt and deeply unjust political-economic system.INTERNATIONAL