identity MArker
24 OutlOOk 29 July 2019
intends to create communal disturbance besides defaming
the Assamesespeaking people as “xenophobic”. All the 10
people named in the FIR are either poets or involved in
translating Miya literary work into Assamese and English.
The NRC update—an exercised done under the supervision
of the Supreme Court—has been flayed by rights activists
and international bodies for its inherent flaws that could
turn millions of people stateless. The final draft of the NRC
published last year had left out 4 million people out of over
30 million applicants. An additional list published on June
26 this year saw another 10,20,00 out of the list. The final
NRC will be published on July 31 and Assam is bristling
with tension. It’s a fear that runs
through both sides of the divide—
many Assamesespeaking “natives”
believe millions of illegal migrants
have been able to include their
names in the NRC; Muslims and
Bengalispe aking Hindus fear they
could be the victims of what many
see as a “xen ophobic exercise”.
Faced with a hostile local press
and scathing criticism from a sec
tion of the Assamese intelligentsia,
Hafiz Ahmed has already apologised
for the poem. “I have long been
ass ociated in promoting Assamese
language. Many a time I have been
slammed for standing for the same.
But in spite of that, if my poem has
hurt the sentiments, I apologise.
Apart from that, as this poem was
written in 2016, it has no connec
tion to the NRC as being projected
by many,” Ahmed tells Outlook.
Ahmed heads the Char Chapori
Sahitya Parishad, a body which
works towards promoting literary
work by people of East Bengal
origin. Ahmed also does not hide
the fact that his poem is an adapta
tion of Identity Card, an iconic
poem written by Palestinian poet
Mahmoud Darwish in 1964.
U
NlIkE the Hindu Bengalis of East Bengalorigin, Bengali
Muslims of Assam, like Ahmed, have cited Assamese as
their mother tongue and their literary work have also
been in Assamese through the years. What has angered
a section of Assamese is the new body of literary work in the
Miya dialect, which is being seen as an attempt to legitimise
an “alien language” which in turn could be used to stake claim
to their Indian roots. Others have objected to the alleged
portrayal of the Assamese as “xenophobic”, a taint carried by
the state since the infamous Nellie massacre of 1983.
“Poetry is a wonderful medium to express one’s thoughts on
any issue under the sky. Protest poetry as the name suggests
can effectively underline the trauma and tribulations faced
by any group or community...But the issues associated with
Miya poetry are multilayered and nuanced. Any attempt to
understand and analyse this controversy by overlooking the
underlying factors could be disastrous in the state,” author
and commentator on sociopolitical issues Mayur Bora tells
Outlook. He also questions whether the entire Muslim com
munity can be blamed for the acts of a few Islamic terrorists.
Miya poetry is not exactly new and the earliest known work
is traced back to a poetwriter called Mia Bande Ali who wrote
the Charuwa’s Proposition in 1939. However, it’s only recently
that a group of poets started using the term Miya as a badge
of honour to counter the racial slur in Assam for “lungiclad
people in a skull cap or with a beard”.
kazi Neel alias kazi Sharowar Hussain, a student of cultural
studies who is also named in the
FIR, says his poetry is merely a ref
lection of the times. “The appeal of
poetry is universal. Just because it’s
written in a specific dialect, it
doesn’t necessarily mean that it’s
saying about that community par
ticularly. My poem reflects the
thoughts of the people who have
suffered in the society. I have writ
ten about the negligence I have
faced and the harassment my father
has faced in the name of Dvoter,”
says kazi. Dvoters are a category of
suspected foreigners whose names
are not included in the NRC. Parvin
Sultana, an assistant professor at
Pramathesh Barua College in
Dhubri, says those who dismiss
poems in the Miya dialect also
tends to wish away the fact that
identity is multilayered. “A ‘miya’
can be a Miya and an Oxomiya at the
same time,” she adds.
Identity, or the fear of losing it, is
one of the biggest political and soc
ial issues in Assam. Especially for
the Ass amesespeaking people, who
sees the infl ux of undocumented
mig rants as a threat to the culture
and language of the state. The
state’s soc io cultural sphere has
been sha ped by this fear. For some, this ide ntity battle is a
sign of Assamese hegemony.
“I believe that identity politics has its own limitations...This
has happened to Miya poetry as well, thanks to the hegemonic
nationalists and rightwing groups,” says kamal kumar Tanti,
a Sahitya Akademi Yuva Puraskarwinning poet. “As a part of
contemporary literature of protest and resistance, Miya
poe try demands more of literary and sociological criticism
and not politicallymotivated hatecriticism,” says Tanti, one
of most wellknown poets in Assam.
kazi Neel, for one, knows how it feels to be at the receiving
end. “The way I’m being projected as an antisocial element
over the past several days by misinterpreting my poem, is
very painful. I’m scared of my life now. To curb the freedom
of speech like this in a democratic country is not a very good
sign,” the poet portends. O
See me hold by my side the Constitution
Point a finger to Delhi
Walk to my Parliament my Supreme
Court my Connaught Place
And tell the MPs the esteemed judges
and the lady selling
Trinkets and her charm on Janpath
Well I am Miyah.
Shalim
M. Hussain