The Economist UK - 27.07.2019

(C. Jardin) #1

40 The Americas The EconomistJuly 27th 2019


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Bello The benefits of equidistance


T


o the outsiderLatin America has
long appeared to form an unques-
tionable part of the zone of influence of
the United States. In fact, that has ap-
plied mainly to the Caribbean basin, not
to the vast area south of the greatest
geographical barrier in the Americas, the
Amazon rainforest. As long ago as the
1940s Nicholas Spykman of Yale Univer-
sity identified Brazil and Argentina, the
main countries in what is now the Mer-
cosur trade bloc, as “the equidistant
zone”: as far from New York as from
Lisbon and as open to European as to
yanquiinfluence. Even today, although
the United States is the main trading
partner of Latin America as a whole,
Mercosur (which includes Paraguay and
Uruguay) does nearly half as much trade
again with the European Union.
In recent decades European interest
in Latin America, and vice versa, has
been fitful. In 1999 the first eu-Latin
America summit, held in Rio de Janeiro,
proclaimed a “strategic partnership” but
attached no strategies to make that more
than a slogan. Latin America was a priori-
ty for Europe, but beneath many others,
so it wasn’t. Left-wing governments in
South America preferred “south-south
co-operation” to ties with Europe. The
lack of serious intent was summed up by
20-year on-off talks for a trade agreement
between the euand Mercosur.
That this was successfully concluded
last month has significance that goes
well beyond the agreement itself. Provid-
ed it is ratified, it will offer benefits
especially to European manufacturers
and to Mercosur farmers. It will be
phased in over 15 years, at the end of
which it will have eliminated tariffs on
over 90% of goods traded between the
blocs, with tariff-free quotas for the
remainder. It also opens up services and

public procurement in Mercosur and, in
effect, commits Brazil’s environmentally
unfriendly president, Jair Bolsonaro, both
to the Paris agreement to combat climate
change (which he had wanted to leave) and
to curbing deforestation of the Amazon.
Just as important is the potential stim-
ulus to reforming Mercosur’s economies
and to regional integration within Latin
America. Brazil and Argentina are among
the world’s most closed economies. That is
now likely to change. To take advantage of
the euagreement, they will have to lighten
burdensome taxes and regulations and
boost internal transport infrastructure.
After rule by protectionist left-wingers,
both now have governments that want to
open up economically. Mercosur’s presi-
dents this month said they want swiftly to
reach trade agreements with Canada and
the eftabloc, which includes Switzerland
and Norway. The euagreement “is not a
point of arrival but of departure,” declared
Mauricio Macri, Argentina’s president. A
more open, business-friendly Mercosur
would in turn ease regulatory convergence
with Latin America’s other big trading

group, the Pacific Alliance.
The long-awaited breakthrough
reflects bigger changes. Both sides worry
about the trade war and the geopolitical
conflict between China and Donald
Trump’s United States. China is now
Mercosur’s largest single trade partner
(and the second-biggest for Latin Ameri-
ca as a whole). Although the euremains
the largest investor in Latin America,
Chinese investments and loans to the
region have grown fast. China’s growing
influence there is of concern not just to
Mr Trump, but to Europe and Japan, too.
The prospect of being squeezed between
Mr Trump and China scares many Latin
American leaders.
The Mercosur agreement is part of a
broader European reassessment of Latin
America. Both regions share a commit-
ment to democracy and multilateralism,
values that are on the defensive. In that
sense, “though far apart geographically,
we are closer than any other continents,”
Federica Mogherini, the eu’s outgoing
foreign-policy chief, stated in April. She
unveiled a new policy statement aimed
at achieving greater political co-oper-
ation between the two regions. This
contains a healthy dose of realism. Hav-
ing previously sought to work with Latin
America mainly through celac, a coma-
tose and divided 33-country outfit, the
European Commission will now give
priority to co-operating with smaller and
more coherent groups.
Much can still go wrong. Ratification
of the Mercosur accord by Europe’s na-
tional parliaments will take up to two
years and will not be easy. If Mr Macri
loses a presidential election in October,
Argentina could pull out. Above all,
distance and the press of other priorities
may cause each side to lose interest once
again. That would be a strategic error.

Latin America has much to gain from closer ties with Europe

takes the form of vivid hand-spun textiles
and carved wooden beasts, called alebrijes.
In the town of San José del Pacifico, lo-
cated in the chilly southern mountains,
coffee shops with European breakfast
menus cater to hippie hordes which arrive
in June, when psychedelic mushrooms
sprout on the hills nearby. A three-storey
hotel, the first in this one-street village of
500 people, is under construction. Folk
from nearby villages bring crafts to sell.
The state government wants to lure
richer travellers. A convention centre
opened in the capital in 2017. People who

attend business conferences there spend
twice as many nights as do typical tourists
and five times as much money per day, says
Juan Carlos Rivera, the state’s tourism sec-
retary. Unlike leisure travel, which spikes
in winter, conferences are not seasonal. Mr
Rivera expects more five-star chains to
open alongside boutique hotels.
Tourism is unlikely to enrich the poor-
est citizens. They live in villages far away
from resorts and cities. San José del Pacif-
ico is an exception. Nor do tourists help the
state budget much. Value-added tax flows
to the federal government. A tax on hotels

will bring in only 50m pesos ($2.6m) this
year, says Alejandro Murat, the governor.
Still, Oaxaca is planning for more visi-
tors. The airport is adding more gates and a
second floor, enabling more flights. A mo-
torway from the capital to Puerto Escondi-
do, planned since 2006, will open by 2022.
That will cut the journey between the
state’s two tourist hotspots from seven
hours to 90 minutes, says Mr Murat. Tour-
ists will no longer need to take the winding,
forested road on which San José del Pacif-
ico sits. For some, the magic mushrooms
will still make the trip worthwhile. 7
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