Rome, the Greek World, and the East, Vol. 1 - The Roman Republic and the Augustan Revolution

(Marcin) #1
Political Character of the Classical Roman Republic 

stand trial before the tribe, and address the citizens in their own defence
(Pliny,NH,–;Peter,HRR,F.).
Was all this a charade managed from above—the election of over fifty
office-holdersayear,thedeclarationofwarandthevotingontreaties,the
passing of legislation, the trials of office-holders and private citizens? For
over half a century modern books have asserted and reasserted in varying
termsthepropositionthatthecitizenbodywaspowerless,largelybecause
itwasboundbyrelationsofdependence,sometimesallsubsumedunderthe
termclientela.^66 It can even be claimed that we are entitled to apply to an-
cientsocietiesthenowestablishedcommon-language(orsociological)use
oftermslike‘‘clientage’’and‘‘patronage’’withoutregardtothepresence,or
preciseuse,ofequivalenttermsinthesocietyinquestion.^67 Buttosaythat
istosaythatcuriosityabouttheexactnuancesofancientsocialandpoliti-
cal relationships is superfluous. Of course it does matter what words were
used,andwhatformsofrelationshipareactuallyattestedinanyparticular
period. It is of considerable significance that the major re-examination of
clientelabyN.Rouland,publishedin,concludesthattheinstitutionof
clientelawasindeclineinthesecondcentury..^68 Ifthereisclearevidence
forclientelaasadominantfactorinvotingbehaviour,eitherinlegislationor
inelections,itistimeforittobeproduced.Bycontrasttheimportanceof
measuresdirectedtotheacquisitionoffavouramongthepopulationatlarge,
andthesignificanceofthesubstanceofmajorpoliticalissues,andtheirrele-
vance to the interests of the population, are patent in our sources.^69 Once
again,aswiththesupposedfactions,orlateralconnections,whichallegedly
dominatedvotingintheSenate,itwouldhavetobeprovedthatthesesup-
posed vertical relations of obligation and attachment constituted a domi-
nantfactorinthebehaviourofvotersthroughoutabynowverylargecitizen
body. No such demonstration has ever been offered; until it is,we should


. ThesourceofthesepresumptionsisofcourseGelzer(n.),seeesp.pp.–(trans.
Seager,pp.–)andtheconclusion,pp.–(p.).Itisneedlesstocitealongseries
of examples of later adhesion to them. It may suffice to point to the presumptions still
present in thework of J. Bleicken,Staatliche Ordnung und Freiheit in der römischen Republik
(),–;Lex Publica(),–;Die Verfassung der römischen Republik^2 (),and,
inthemostsophisticatedandinterestingmoderntreatmentofRomanpolitics,Chr.Meier,
Res Publica Amissa^2 (),esp.ff.
. SoFinley(n.),–.
. N.Rouland,Pouvoir politique et dépendance personelle(),–.
. Forthispoint,seeBrunt(n.),and,withspecificreferencetothisperiod,Finley
(n.),–.

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