The Hellenistic World and Rome
Without our entering here on the complex problems involved, it is enough
to say that Philon of Byblos at the beginning of the second century..
claimed to have translated the work of an ancient Phoenician, Sanchunia-
thon, on the Phoenician cults, and that his translation was used by Porphyry
of Tyre in the third century and then by Eusebius of Caesarea. Not only,
therefore, was there a continuity of cults, with much assimilation to Greek
deities, but also (however slight) a continuous literary tradition.^8 Moreover
Eusebius, perhaps quoting Porphyry, can confirm the accuracy of the literary
tradition by reference to still-existing cult practices: the testimony of the
ancienttheologidrew confirmation ‘‘from the nomenclature of the gods still
applied to this day in the cities and villages in Phoenicia and the interpreta-
tion given to the mysteries celebrated among each people.’’^9
Secondly, not only did these now Graeco-Phoenician cities continue to
exercise, as they always had, a cultural influence on Judaea (most aptly sym-
bolised by the exclusive use of Tyrian shekels for the Temple dues), but com-
munities inland in the immediate neighbourhood of Judaea tended to iden-
tify themselves as Phoenician, or rather ‘‘Sidonian.’’ The best documented
case, well discussed by Hengel (, ) is that of the community which in
the second century..described themselves, in Greek, as ‘‘the Sidonians
in Marisa,’’ in Idumaea. The second instance presents crucial difficulties, all
the more so because, as we shall see, it is the cornerstone of the entire in-
terpretation of the ‘‘reform movement’’ as understood by Bickermann and
Hengel.
Maccabees :– tells us that Antiochus sent an emissary to profane the
Temple of Jerusalem and dedicate it to Zeus Olympius, and that of Mount
Gerizim to Zeus Xenius, ‘‘as those who dwelt in the place requested.’’ Jose-
phus, who did not use Maccabees, appears to present us with the petition
itself,^10 in which they claim to be Sidonians, unrelated to the Jews, and ask for
their temple to be known as that of Zeus Hellenius; and also with the king’s
instruction to his agent, referring to them as ‘‘the Sidonians in Shechem.’’
All would be well if we could, with Momigliano, be confident that this and
the book of Daniel represent the ‘‘only two certain pieces of contemporary
evidence for the religious situation of the persecution period.’’^11 That may
indeed be so. But we have to reckon with the fact that the only source for
. The evidence, which demands further study, is summarily collected in F. Millar, ‘‘Paul
of Samosata, Zenobia and Aurelian: The Church, Local Culture and Political Allegiance in
Third-Century Syria,’’JRS (): –, on – ( chapter of the present volume).
. Eusebius,Praep. Ev.,,F.Jacoby,FGrH F. ().
.Ant. , –.
.Alien Wisdom,.