The Hellenistic World and Rome
relations between the Seleucid kings and Jerusalem. Nor is there any obvious
explanation for it in the patterns of Antiochus’ behaviour towards the wider
Greek world: his generosities to cities and temples show nothing more than
the display which was essential to the role-playing of any ambitious Hel-
lenistic monarch; and the evidence for his foundation of new Greek cities
is less than has been supposed.^40 ButtwoinnovationsonthepartofAn-
tiochus are undeniable: he was the first Seleucid king to use the title ‘‘god
manifest’’ (Theos Epiphanēs) documented on coins and an inscription; and he
moved away from his dynasty’s traditional devotion to Apollo to a particu-
lar reverence for Olympian Zeus, whose image replaced that of Apollo on
the coins of Antioch. He also built, or contributed to, temples of Olympian
Zeus elsewhere, as in Athens and Priene. Both phenomena are connected by
Bunge with his difficulties in establishing his regime after his usurpation in
.^41 The notion that Antiochus identifiedhimselfas Zeus is now universally
rejected. But it is significant that the mint of Antioch, followed by many
others, portrayed him with a radiate head which was the recognised symbol
of the sun god (Helios).^42 As always, it is a matter of speculation what effect
if any such changes in the iconography of a ruler had on the attitudes of his
subjects. Daniel, however, does allude, in obscure terms (:–), to some
changes in religious observance by Antiochus.
We have already noted the role of the king in the first phase of ‘‘Hellenism’’
in Jerusalem, which required no more on his part than the (as I suggest) estab-
lished right of the appointment of the high priest by the king, a pressing need
for money, and that general attachment to the notion of Greek city life which
we would expect any Hellenistic king to have shared. Nor do the massacre
in Jerusalem and the robbery of the Temple treasures in /.., between
the Egyptian campaigns, need any very special explanation; Josephus,C. Ap.
, , can quote a number of pagan historians for the view that he did so
simply to obtain much-needed funds. What does require such an explanation
is the positive measures of ..Our only contemporary source, Daniel,
sees these steps as a reaction to the rebuff by Popillius Laenas in (:):
‘‘The ships of Kittim will set out and go against him, and he will be humbled.
And he will turn back and rage against the holy covenant. And he will take
action and turn and pay heed to those who desert the holy covenant.’’ Daniel
. See the valuable discussion by O. Mørkholm,Antiochus IV of Syria(), chaps.
and .
. J. G. Bunge, ‘‘ ‘Theos Epiphanes,’ Zu den ersten fünf Regierungsjahren Antiochos IV
Epiphanes,’’Historia (): –.
. J. G. Bunge, ‘‘ ‘Antiochus-Helios,’ Methoden und Ergebnisse der Reichspolitik Anti-
ochos’ IV Epiphanes von Syrien im Spiegel seiner Münzen,’’Historia (): –.