Advances in the Syntax of DPs - Structure, agreement, and case

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262 Artur Bartnik


determiners in both languages. Throughout the paper we consistently referred to Old
English se, seo þæt as well as Polish ten, ta, to forms as determiners even though some-
times they clearly function as demonstratives. Moreover, in Polish literature ten, ta, to
are labelled only as demonstrative pronouns. However, our terminology was used to
emphasize that Old English forms functioned in some contexts as demonstratives, and
in others as definite articles. Sometimes it is impossible to tell the difference between
the two functions. Similarly, we will argue that Polish ten, ta, to can be article-like ele-
ments in some contexts. Therefore our terminological choice is justified.
Allen (2006) suggests that possessive–determiner sequences, which were also
found in post-nominal positions in Old English, could well function as demonstra-
tives and articles. Consider (38) below:
(38) Mattheus, min se leofa
Matt h e w my.sg.nom.m the.sg.nom.m de ar.sg.nom.m
‘Matthew, my beloved...’
(Blickling 229.30 Allen 2006: 161)
However, se, seo, þat in their pre-nominal position could only be interpreted as articles
(cf. Heusler 1962, who gives a similar account for Old Norse). In other words, the
bracketing [Mattheus, min] [se leofa] from (38) was possible because se could func-
tion as a demonstrative. In its pre-nominal position it could only function as a definite
article because it was combined with the adjective and only articles are allowed in
adjective phrases. This seems to be a good piece of evidence for the article nature of
the se, seo, þat paradigm, at least in some contexts. For the sake of clarity, the structure
proposed by Allen (2006: 159) is given below:
(39)

Det NP

DP

his DP N

Det AP

þam leofanþegne

This analysis can be easily extended to Polish, even though adjectives are not obliga-
tory in such configurations. We can hypothesize that ten, ta, to are definite articles
when immediately preceded by possessives and this fact does not have to depend on
the presence of the adjective. This might explain the scarcity of possessive-determiner
sequences in Polish because speakers do not feel at ease when they interpret ten as a
definite article in a language without a dedicated definite article slot. In fact, this is not
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