Polish equatives as symmetrical structures 71
In (13) the boxed T’ undergoes remnant movement and hence ends up in the inner
[Spec, CP] position, thereby yielding the correct word order.^10 The trigger behind the
movement of T’ to the inner Spec of CP is an Edge Feature (henceforth, EF) of C. The
remnant movement proposed in (13) is slightly different from that put forward in
Slioussar (2007), as we assume that the landing site for the moved remnant is [Spec,
CP], not [Spec, TP] as in Slioussar’s account.^11 As a result of the remnant movement
of T’ in sentences such as (13), the sentence final subject comes to be associated with
a focus interpretation.
The detailed derivations of both types of copular clauses discussed above, together
with some additional motivation for them can be found in Bondaruk (2013a, b) and
since this issue is not crucial to the analysis presented in this paper, it will not be fur-
ther elaborated on.
3.2 Equatives vs. predicational and specificational clauses in Polish
The first test which establishes the contrast between specificational and predicational
sentences in Polish is anaphoric reference of pronouns in Left Dislocation. For English,
Mikkelsen (2005: 75) points out that the dislocated phrase leaves behind a resumptive
pronoun with personal reference in predicational clauses, whereas the pronoun left
behind in the case of dislocation affecting specificational clauses can only be non-
personal and corresponds to it or that. In the case of Polish Left Dislocation, predica-
tional sentences show a resumptive pronoun co-referential with the dislocated phrase,
as can be seen in (14), while in specificational sentences only the non-personal pro-
noun to ‘it’ is possible, as confirmed by (15):^12
(14) (Jeśli idzie o Marka), on to jest
as goes for Mark he.nom cop is
dobry student.
good student.nom
‘As for Mark, he is a good student.’
- The movement of a non-maximal projection such as T’ poslutated for specificational
sentences might seem problematic. However, Adger and Ramchand (2003) also appeal to the
movement of an intermediate projection such as Pred’ to account for inverted copular sen-
tences in Scottish Gaelic. - Slioussar’s (2007) claim that the remnant ends up in the outer [Spec, TP] violates the
Extension Condition, as pointed out to us by one of the reviewers. - Some native speakers find the dislocation examples such as (14) and (15) to be only
marginally acceptable.