214 MARK HANSELL
This single occurence of a shared subject is a characteristic of both SVCs
and CCs:
(31) Ta zuò jichéngchê huí jiä le.
he ride taxi return home ASP
"He took a taxi (and went) home."
(32) Wo hë zuì le.
I drink intoxicated ASP
"I got drunk."
In (31) tä is the subject of both Vj zuò ("ride") and V 2 huí ("return"), but
appears as zero before V 2. (32) is the same situation, with wo as the subject
of both Vj hë ("drink") and V 2 zui ("intoxicated"), but appears as non-zero
only before Wv
Another type of zero anaphora is evident in the Pivot Construction,
where the subject of V 2 appears as zero if it is coreferent with the object of
Vj. That is, given two independent clauses of the structure:
NPj Wx NP 2 and NP 2 V 2 NP 3
the SVC that results from the juncture of these two clauses will contain only
one surface appearance of NP 2 :
NPj Vj NP 2 V 2 NP 3
Exactly the same type of zero anaphora can also occur in CR constructions
where the object of a transitive Vx is coreferential with the subject of an
intransitive V 2. Note the similarities in these two sentences:
(33) Wo qïng ni chï wufàn.
I invite/treat you eat lunch
"ΓΊ1 treat you to lunch."
(34) Ylshëng bä bìngrén jiù huó le.
doctor PRETRANS patient save live ASP
"The doctor saved the patient's life."^3
In (33), m "you" plays the role of both object of Vx qïng "invite/treat" and
subject of V 2 chi "eat", yet despite the fact that it has these two roles, it
makes only one surface appearance. The same is true in (34), where bìng
rén "patient" is both object of V 1 jiù "save" and subject of V 2 huó "live",
yet only makes one surface appearance.