Advances in Role and Reference Grammar

(singke) #1
266 WILLIAM H. JACOBSEN, JR.

Grammar Conference, University of California, Davis, March 15, 1986. Sections
relating to clausal cosubordination were also presented to the summer meeting of
the Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas, Univer­
sity of Arizona, Tucson, July 1, 1989, under the title "The Nootka Absolutive and
Generalized Clause Chaining". I am indebted to Michele Emanatian, John
Haiman, Herbert W. Luthin, Sandra A. Thompson, and Robert D. Van Valin, Jr.
for their comments.


  1. Greenberg calculates numerical typological indices based on sample 100-word
    passages for eight languages. I have done the same for Nootka, using the first 100
    words in Text 2, pp. 19-21 of Sapir & Swadesh Nootka Texts (1939). These figures
    should be taken only as ball-park indications, given the small sample. Each index
    is a ratio of two units. That for synthesis is that of morphemes to words. For the
    Nootka passage I find this to be 3.66, which is close to the 3.72 for Eskimo, often
    cited as the type-case for polysynthesis. Greenberg mentions that values above
    3.00 are infrequent, and that they would define a polysynthetic language (English
    shows 1.68). This Nootka passage is atypical in that it contains called-out dis­
    course, entailing vocative forms (cf. Jacobsen 1986b), which add to the number of
    morphemes. I have also counted -0 suffixes on certain absolutive forms, as
    explained below (section 4). Excluding both these factors lowers the index to 3.39.
    The other Nootka indices are as follows: agglutination (agglutinative junctures/
    morph junctures) .70, compounding (roots/words) 1.00 (i.e., there is none), deri­
    vation (derivational morphemes/words) .97, gross inflection (inflectional mor­
    phemes/words) 1.69, prefixation (prefixes/words) .09, suffixation (suffixes/words)
    2.57, isolation (uninflected words/nexus) .15, pure inflection (non-concordant
    inflectional morphemes/nexus) .47, and concord (concordant morpheme features/
    nexus) .38 (nexus is the sum of the last three relations). The indices of derivation,
    gross inflection, and suffixation are not independent of that of synthesis, and these
    are also high for Greenberg's sample, being exceeded only by Eskimo's 1.25, 1.75,
    and 2.72. Imposing a derivation/inflection dichotomy on the multiple layers of suf­
    fixes is rather Procrustean; I have equated this with Sapir & Swadesh's (1939:236)
    distinction between formative and incremental suffixes, which gives to inflection
    some categories (such as causative and diminutive) that might otherwise be con­
    sidered derivational. Although the only prefixation in Nootka consists of redup­
    licative morphs, the prefixation index, while far below the 1.16 of Swahili, is yet
    exceeded by those of only two languages in Greenberg's sample. The index of iso­
    lation (.15) is among the lower ones in the sample, the only lower being Eskimo's
    .02. Those for pure inflection and concord are close to those of Eskimo and older
    Indo-European (Sanskrit, Anglo-Saxon). Agglutination is difficult to compute;
    my index of .70 is higher than others in Greenberg's sample, being approached
    only by Swahili's .67; Eskimo has only .03. Cf. also Kroeber (1960) on the rank
    orderings for these indices.

  2. Eskimo shows much the same pattern, which Sadock (1980, 1986) considers a kind
    of noun incorporation, while Mithun (1986:32), after Sapir (1911b:254), prefers to
    differentiate this as denominal verb formation, whereas canonical noun incorpora-

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